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UNIVERSITY    OF    ILLINOIS    LIBRARY    AT    URBANA-CHAMPAIGN 


MAY  3 1  Z005 


L161 —  O-1096 


A    STAKE    IN    THE    LAND 


Americanization  Studies 


Schooling  of  the  Immigrant. 

Frank  V.  Thompson,  Supt.  of  Public  Schools,  Boston 
America  via  the  Neighborhood. 

John  Daniels 

Old  World  Traits  Transplanted. 

Robert  E.  Park,  Professorial  Lecturer,  University  of  Chicago 
Herbert  A.  Miller,  Professor  of  Sociology,  Oberlin  College 

A  Stake  in  the  Land. 

Peter  A.  Speek,  in   charge,  Slavic    Section,   Library  of 
Congress 

Immigrant  Health  and  the  Community.     (In  press) 
Michael  M.  Davis,  Jr.,  Director,  Boston  Dispensary 

New  Homes  for  Old.     (In  press) 

S.  P.  Breckinridge,  Assistant  Professor  of  Household  Ad- 
ministration, University  of  Chicago 

Adjusting  Immigrant  and  Industry.     (In  preparation) 

William  M.Leiserson,  Chairman,  Labor  Adjustment  Board, 
Rochester 

The  Immigrant  Press  and  Its  Control.    (In  preparation) 
Robert  E.  Park,  Professorial  Lecturer,  University  of  Chicago 

The  Immigrant's  Day  in  Court.     (In  preparation) 

Kate  Holladay  Claghorn,  Instructor  in  Social  Research, 
New  York  School  of  Social  Work 

Americans  by  Choice.     (In  preparation) 

John  P.  Gavit,  Vice-President,  New  York  Evening  Post 

Summary.     (In  preparation) 

Allen  T.  Burns,  Director,  Studies  in  Methods  of  American- 
ization 

Harper  &  Brothers  Publishers 


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AMERICANIZATION  STUDIES 
ALLEN  T.  BURNS.  DIRECTOR 

A    STAKE 
IN    THE    LAND 

BY 

PETER  A.  SPEEK 

IN    CHARGE,    SLAVIC    SECTION 
LIBRARY    OP    CONGRESS 


HARPER  &  BROTHERS  PUBLISHERS 

NEW    YORK    AND     LONDON 
1921 


A  Stake  in  the  Land 


Copyright,  1021,  by  Harper  &  Brothers 
Printed  in  the  United  States  of  America 
c-v 


p 


v, 


PUBLISHER'S  NOTE 

The  material  in  this  volume  was  gathered  by  the 
Division  of  Rural  Developments  of  Studies  in 
Methods  of  Americanization. 

Americanization  in  this  study  has  been  con- 
sidered as  the  union  of  native  and  foreign  born 
in  all  the  most  fundamental  relationships  and 
activities  of  our  national  life.  For  Americaniza- 
tion is  the  uniting  of  new  with  native-born 
f  Americans  in  fuller  common  understanding  and 
appreciation  to  secure  by  means  of  self-govern- 
ment the  highest  welfare  of  all.  Such  American- 
ization should  perpetuate  no  unchangeable  po- 
litical, domestic,  and  economic  regime  delivered 
once  for  all  to  the  fathers,  but  a  growing  and 
broadening  national  life,  inclusive  of  the  best 
wherever  found.  With  all  our  rich  heritages, 
Americanism  will  develop  best  through  a  mutual 
giving  and  taking  of  contributions  from  both 
newer  and  older  Americans  in  the  interest  of  the 
commonweal.  This  study  has  followed  such  an 
understanding  of  Americanization. 


5.12960 


FOREWORD 

This  volume  is  the  result  of  studies  in  methods 
of  Americanization  prepared  through  funds  fur- 
nished by  the  Carnegie  Corporation  of  New  York. 
It  arose  out  of  the  fact  that  constant  applications 
were  being  made  to  the  Corporation  for  contribu- 
tions to  the  work  of  numerous  agencies  engaged 
in  various  forms  of  social  activity  intended  to 
extend  among  the  people  of  the  United  States 
the  knowledge  of  their  government  and  their 
obligations  to  it.  The  trustees  felt  that  a  study 
which  should  set  forth,  not  theories  of  social 
betterment,  but  a  description  of  the  methods  of 
the  various  agencies  engaged  in  such  work,  would 
be  of  distinct  value  to  the  cause  itself  and  to  the 
public. 

The  outcome  of  the  study  is  contained  in  eleven 
volumes  on  the  following  subjects:  Schooling  of 
the  Immigrant;  The  Press;  Adjustment  of 
Homes  and  Family  Life;  Legal  Protection  and 
Correction;  Health  Standards  and  Care;  Natu- 
ralization and  Political  Life;  Industrial  and  Eco- 
nomic Amalgamation;  Treatment  of  Immigrant 
Heritages;  Neighborhood  Agencies  and  Organi- 
zation; Rural  Developments;  and  Summary. 
The  entire  study  has  been  carried  out  under  the 

vii 


FOREWORD 

general  direction  of  Mr.  Allen  T.  Burns.  Each 
volume  appears  in  the  name  of  the  author  who 
had  immediate  charge  of  the  particular  field  it 
is  intended  to  cover. 

Upon  the  invitation  of  the  Carnegie  Corpora- 
tion a  committee  consisting  of  the  late  Theodore 
Roosevelt,  Prof.  John  Graham  Brooks,  Dr.  John 
M.  Glenn,  and  Mr.  John  A.  Voll  has  acted  in 
an  advisory  capacity  to  the  director.  An  edi- 
torial committee  consisting  of  Dr.  Talcott  Will- 
iams, Dr.  Raymond  B.  Fosdick,  and  Dr.  Edwin 
F.  Gay  has  read  and  criticized  the  manuscripts. 
To  both  of  these  committees  the  trustees  of  the 
Carnegie  Corporation  are  much  indebted. 

The  purpose  of  the  report  is  to  give  as  clear 
a  notion  as  possible  of  the  methods  of  the  agen- 
cies actually  at  work  in  this  field  and  not  to 
propose  theories  for  dealing  with  the  complicated 
questions  involved. 


TABLE  OF  CONTENTS 

PACE 

Publisher's  Note  v 

Foreword  vu 

Table  of  Contents  ix 

List  of  Tables  xii 

List  of  Illustrations  xiii 

Introduction  xv 

Author's  Note  xxvii 

PART  I 

CHAPTER 

I.  Need  of  a  Land  Policy  3 

Strength  of  Home  Ties  3 

Immigrants'  Love  of  Land  5 

Need  for  Land  Regulation  10 

II.  Learning  of  Land  Opportunities  14 

Friends,  Agents,  and  Advertisements  14 

Federal  and  State  Immigration  Offices  18 

Policies  in  California  and  Wisconsin  19 

III.  Experiences  in  Acquiring  Land  24 

Russian  Sectarian  Peasants  in  the  West  24 

The  Successful  Colony  at  Glendale  30 

Other  California  Cases  31 

An  Oklahoma  Settlement  33 

IV.  Individual  Land  Dealers  36 

Land  Sharks  37 

Lower  Type  of  Land  Dealer  39 

The  Public-spirited  Land  Dealer  42 

"Realtors"  45 
ix 


CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PACE 


V.  Private  Land  Colonization  Companies 

49 

A  Typical  Company 

52 

The  Adviser 

62 

Children  Overworked 

65 

Securing  Credit 

66 

Conservation  of  Wooded  Land 

68 

The  Size  of  a  Colony 

69 

Learning  American  Ways 

70 

Two  Points  of  View 

72 

Colony  Snapshots 

78 

VI.  Public  Land  Colonization 

86 

The  California  Experiment 

86 

State    Provisions    for    Soldier    Settlements 

91 

The  Reclamation  Act 

95 

Proposed  Federal  Legislation 

98 

Provision  in  Other  Countries 

105 

VII.  A  Land  Policy 

107 

Wide  Range  in  Programs 

107 

Plenty  of  Land 

111 

Public  Regulation  of  Land  Dealing 

112 

A  Public  Land  Exchange 

122 

Reclamation  a  Separate  Function 

124 

A  Colonization  Board 

127 

Extension  of  Public  Credit 

135 

Co-operation  Indispensable 

135 

PART  II 

VIII.  Rural  Educational  Agencies 

145 

Importance  of  Education 

145 

Bridging  Differences 

150 

Parochial  Schools 

153 

IX.  Private  Schools 

156 

Nebraska 

158 

North  Dakota 

161 

Minnesota 

164 

Michigan 

167 

Wisconsin 

172 

CONTENTS 

CHAPTER  PAGB 

South  Dakota  174 

California  175 

Hebrew  School  in  New  Jersey  176 

Opinions  on  Both  Sides  176 

Temporary  Usefulness  179 

Need  for  Regulation  180 

X.  Immigrant  Churches  182 

Bilingual  Services  186 

English  Favored  by  Members  188 

Opposition  to  "Interfaith"  Marriages  189 

Immigrant  Pastors  192 

Potential  Powers  for  Good  193 

XI.  The  Public  School  195 

Limitations  of  the  One- teacher  School  195 

Growth  of  the  Consolidated  School  199 

The  Rural  School-teacher  203 

Irregular  School  Attendance  211 

Practical  Curriculum  Needed  217 

Need  for  Expert  Administration  219 

Proposed  Measures  222 

XII.  Education  of  Adult  Immigrant  Settlers      226 

Importance  of  Reaching  Women  226 

The  Home  Teacher  228 

Organization  of  Immigrant  Women  231 

The  Public  Evening  School  233 

Education  Made  Interesting  241 

XIII.  Library  and  Community  Work  244 

Place  of  the  Printed  Word  244 

Rural  Needs  for  Books  246 

Package  Libraries  in  Wisconsin  248 

Selection  of  Books  250 

A  Community  Hall  252 

Amateur  Theatricals  254 

Community  Teamwork  256 

Index  259 


LIST  OF  TABLES 

TABLE  PAGE 

I.  Number  (by  sex)  of  foreign-born  white  persons 
engaged  as  farm  laborers  in  the  United 
States,  1900  and  1910  6 

II.  State  legislation  to  promote  land  settlement 

for  soldiers  up  to  June,  1919  92-93 

III.  Soldier  settlement  plans  for  United  Kingdom 

and  provinces  Facing      106 

IV.  Per  cent  unable  to  speak  English,  of  total  for- 

eign born,  ten  years  of  age  and  over,  in  ur- 
ban and  rural  communities  147 

V.  Enrollment  and  language  used  in  parochial  and 

private  schools  in  Minnesota,  1918  165 

VI.  Enrollment  and  teaching  force  of  private  and 
parochial  schools  in  Wisconsin,  1914-15 
and  1915-16  173 

VII.  Length  of  teaching  service  in  Wisconsin  rural 

schools,  1915-16  204 

VIII.  Percentage  of  population  in  Arizona,  six  to 
twenty-one  years  of  age,  in  schools  and  not 
attending  school,  1915-16  213 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

Long,  Hard  Months  of  Work  Separate  the 
Rough  Shanty  from  White  Clapboards  and 

an  Automobile Frontispiece 

Land  Is  Not  the  Only  Stake  in  America  for 

These  Polish  Parents *<»™'w0  v-    4 

The  Owner  of  this  Farm,  Settled  in  1917,  Has 
Persuaded  Six  Members  of  His  Family  to 
Buy  Farms  in  the  Neighborhood      ...  14 

Friendly   Assistance   Makes   Pioneering   Less 

Baffling 44 

The  Wisconsin  Colonization  Company  Sees  the 

Need  of  Community  Centers      ....  54 

This  Two-year-old  Wisconsin  Farm  Is  Just 
Ready  to  Care  for  Its  Newly  Acquired 
Shropshire  Ewes 64 

This  Settler  Started  Ten  Years  Ago  with  No 

Money I36 

These  Children  and  Teachers  in  New  Mexico 

Join  Forces  to  Wipe  Out  Illiteracy  .     .     .  146 

The  Largest  Girl  Won  a  Prize  for  Scholarship  .  146 

Immediate  Returns  from  Child  Labor  Do  Not 

Make  Up  for  Loss  of  Schooling   ....       "        214 

xiii 


ILLUSTRATIONS 

The  Arrival  of  an  Immigrant  Settler  in  1883 

Was  Shown  in  a  Community  Pageant       .  racing  v  242 

The  Same  Man  Is  Working  for  Land  and  Com- 
munity Development ' '       242 

A  Rural  Community  Center  Plan  Was  De- 
veloped by  the  Wisconsin  Colonization 
Company  for  Southern  Sawyer  County     .        "        252 


INTRODUCTION 

Students  of  economics  know  that  the  round- 
about methods  of  capitalistic  production  are  far 
more  fruitful  than  the  direct  methods  of  the 
primitive  economy.  As  we  advance,  we  introduce 
new  intermediaries  between  the  beginning  and 
the  end  of  production.  This  thought  occurs  to 
one  in  the  study  of  Americanization.  If  we  would 
Americanize  the  immigrant  we  must  seek  him 
out  in  his  daily  economic  life  and  see  to  it  that 
the  influences  under  which  he  works  are  calcu- 
lated to  give  him  the  right  feeling  toward  his 
new  home.  A  large  part  of  our  waking  life  is 
spent  in  gaining  a  livelihood,  and  our  work  brings 
with  it  most  of  our  associations.  School  and 
church  have  their  place  for  young  and  old,  and 
they  likewise  must  be  considered.  Their  effect 
is  direct  and  immediate  and  is  more  likely  to 
attract  attention  than  are  the  elements  making 
up  the  economic  life. 

Doctor  Speek  has  done  well  in  taking  up  the 
immigrant  as  a  settler  in  the  newer  and  develop- 
ing parts  of  our  country.  The  settlers  are  very 
largely  immigrants  who  are  trying  to  acquire  a 
home  and  livelihood  on  the  land.    The  writer  of 

XV 


INTRODUCTION 

this  Introduction  has  been  studying  this  same 
subject  for  many  years,  and  has  done  so  in  many 
different  parts  of  the  United  States.  The  con- 
clusion which  we  might  reach  deductively  is  con- 
firmed by  observation — namely,  that  the  man  who 
settles  on  the  land  in  the  right  way  is,  with  the 
rarest  exceptions,  likely  to  become  a  good  Ameri- 
can, as  are  also  his  children. 

But  what  do  we  mean  by  the  right  way?  We 
mean  that  he  must  be  on  a  farm  of  suitable  size, 
of  good  productivity,  with  needed  help  in  learn- 
ing how  to  farm  in  the  new  country  and  with 
sufficient  time  in  which  to  pay  for  his  farm. 
These  are  not  the  only  considerations,  but  they 
are  the  main  ones,  and  to  these  Doctor  Speek  has 
given  his  attention. 

One  of  the  outstanding  features  of  every  study 
of  land  settlement  is  that  the  first  great  cause  of 
failure  is  poor  selection  of  land.  The  second 
chief  cause  of  failure  is  insufficient  length  of  time 
in  which  to  pay  for  the  land.  While  this  is  of 
very  great  importance,  it  stands  far  behind  the 
first  as  a  cause  of  failure.  The  third  cause  of 
failure  is  closely  connected  with  the  second.  It 
is  inadequate  credit  and  capital. 

We  are  dealing  here  with  the  results  which  are 
universal.  The  selection  of  land  is  extremely 
difficult,  even  for  unusually  intelligent  farmers 
who  have  had  long  experience  in  our  country. 
To  select  land  wisely  is  quite  beyond  the  capacity 

xvi 


INTRODUCTION 

of  the  ordinary  settler.  The  present  writer  could 
give  unlimited  illustrations  of  this  truth.  The 
man  who  has  lived  in  the  corn  belt  of  Illinois  is 
very  apt  to  think  that  black  soil  is  necessarily 
good  soil,  and,  going  to  another  state,  may  per- 
haps select  some  black  peat  land,  underlain  with 
sand,  which  is  almost  worthless.  He  is  sure  to  be 
prejudiced  against  red  soil,  which  may,  after  all, 
be  good  land.  Once,  when  the  writer  was  being 
shown  citrous-fruit  land  in  California,  the  wise 
friend  who  was  his  host  would  point  to  one 
orchard,  which  was  "planted  for  oranges,"  and 
another  "ranch"  which  "was  planted  to  sell  to 
suckers";  yet  the  ordinary  man,  even  if  he  spent 
many  years  in  the  study  of  land  values,  could  not 
tell  the  difference. 

John  Stuart  Mill  presents,  in  his  Principles  of 
Political  Economy,  strong  arguments  for  non- 
intervention of  public  authority  in  "the  business 
of  the  community."  He  says  that  those  who 
stand  for  intervention  must  make  out  a  strong 
case.  When,  however,  he  turns  to  the  consumer 
or  buyer,  he  finds  he  is  obliged  to  make  many 
exceptions  to  the  rule  of  nonintervention.  To 
use  his  own  words,1  'The  proposition  that  the 
consumer  is  a  competent  judge  of  the  commodity 
can  be  admitted  only  with  numerous  abatements 
and  exceptions."  He  uses  also  these  words:2  "Is 

1  John  Stuart  Mill,  Principles  of  Political  Economy,  p.  11. 
'Ibid. 

xvii 


INTRODUCTION 

the  buyer  always  qualified  to  judge  of  the  com- 
modity? If  not,  the  presumption  in  favor  of  the 
competition  of  the  market  does  not  apply  to  the 
case;  and  if  the  commodity  be  one  in  the  quality 
of  which  society  has  much  at  stake,  the  balance 
of  advantages  may  be  in  favor  of  some  mode  and 
degree  of  intervention  by  the  authorized  repre- 
sentatives of  the  collective  interest  of  the  state." 
We  have,  then,  ample  justification  for  some 
kind  of  help  to  the  settler  in  the  selection  of  land. 
What  Doctor  Speek  presents  to  us  simply  con- 
firms what  is  known  to  every  thoughtful  person 
who  has  given  attention  to  the  subject  of  land 
settlement.  If  we  want  to  bring  it  about  that 
our  settlers  should  understand  our  institutions 
and  become  good  American  citizens,  we  must 
abandon  all  ideas  of  laissez-faire  with  respect  to 
land  selection.  Generallv  the  selection  is  made 
for  the  settler  by  the  land  agent.  Doctor  Speek 
gives  attention  to  the  real-estate  business,  and 
finds  that  it  is  not  in  a  satisfactory  condition. 
About  this  there  can  be  no  question.  At  the 
same  time  the  present  writer,  as  a  result  of  care- 
ful observation,  affirms  without  hesitation  that 
probably  no  business  has  made  greater  progress 
toward  a  true  professional  level  than  has  the  land 
business  during  the  last  five  years.  Real-estate 
agents  or  brokers  are  forming  associations  and  are 
doing  a  great  deal  to  eliminate  dishonest  practices 
and  to  put  into  their  business  the  idea  of  service. 

xviii 


INTRODUCTION 

There  are  two  lines  of  progress  especially  note- 
worthy. One  is  the  development  of  Blue  Sky 
laws,  and  the  other  is  the  requirement  that  those 
who  engage  in  the  real-estate  business  should 
have  licenses.  Blue  Sky  laws  do  not  as  yet 
afford  anything  like  adequate  protection,  but 
certainly  they  may  not  be  disregarded  with  im- 
punity in  Wisconsin.  Licensing  an  occupation 
has  been  very  generally  one  of  the  first  steps 
toward  putting  it  upon  a  professional  basis. 
Doctor  Speek  relates  what  was  attempted  un- 
successfully in  California.  In  Wisconsin  we  are 
just  beginning  the  system  of  licenses,  and  so  far 
it  promises  to  be  extremely  helpful.  Much  more 
needs  to  be  done,  however,  to  help  the  settler 
make  a  good  selection  of  a  farm. 

Two  outstanding  movements  are  mentioned. 
One  is  the  public-land  settlement  of  California, 
under  the  direction  of  Dr.  Elwood  Mead,  and  the 
other  is  the  work  of  the  Director  of  Immigration 
of  Wisconsin,  Mr.  B.  G.  Packer.  Mr.  Packer 
has  been  in  the  habit  of  meeting  settlers  in 
Chicago,  the  chief  doorway  into  Wisconsin,  and 
giving  them  advice  of  a  general  character  in 
regard  to  the  purchase  of  a  farm  in  Wisconsin. 
While  he  is  not  in  a  position  to  recommend  the 
purchase  of  a  specific  piece  of  land,  the  advice  is 
pretty  concrete  and  definite.  His  one  thought 
very  properly  is  the  welfare  of  the  settler,  and 
he  believes  that  it  is  in  the  interest  of  Wisconsin 

xix 


INTRODUCTION 

not  to  get  as  many  settlers  as  possible,  but  to 
get  settlers  who,  in  his  own  words,  "stick" — in 
other  words,  who  will  succeed.  He  does  not  for 
a  moment  hesitate  to  discourage  a  man  from 
coming  to  Wisconsin  if  he  is  not  likely  to  prove 
successful,  and  he  does  not  for  a  moment  hesitate 
to  direct  the  attention  of  a  settler  away  from  a 
selection  which  would  prove  disastrous  to  him. 
The  writer  has  visited  many  settlers  in  Wiscon- 
sin who  have  been  brought  to  the  state  by  Mr= 
Packer,  and  has  found  them  almost  universally 
prosperous. 

However,  attention  should  be  directed  par- 
ticularly to  an  important  point  made  by  Doctor 
Speek  in  his  report.  At  present  irresponsible  and 
dishonest  people  often  get  hold  of  the  settler 
first.  Mr.  Packer's  work  is  being  rapidly  devel- 
oped and  it  should  have  still  larger  funds  for 
expansion.  How  is  it  going  to  be  possible,  how- 
ever, to  bring  to  the  knowledge  of  all  the  settlers 
the  helpful  agencies  that  exist?  These  helpful 
agencies  include  not  only  the  work  of  Mr. 
Packer,  but  of  the  county  agents,  and  the  dif- 
ferent departments  of  the  agricultural  college, 
especially  that  department  concerned  with  soil 
surveys,  as  well  as  with  many  others. 

In  other  states  as  well  there  are  many  helpful 
agencies  for  the  settler.  If  the  settler  could  only 
get  hold  of  the  men  who  are  glad  to  help  him  he 
could  make  a  wise  selection  of  the  land.    Federal 

XX 


INTRODUCTION 

and  state  authorities  must  co-operate  in  efforts 
to  bring  to  the  settler  a  knowledge  of  the  help 
that  may  be  his. 

The  City  and  Suburban  Homes  Company,  of 
New  York  City,  affords  a  suggestion.  This  com- 
pany was  formed  in  order  to  give  the  best  homes 
possible  to  people  in  and  about  New  York  City 
compatible  with  very  modest  return  on  capital. 
The  idea  is  that  of  serving  the  urban  dweller. 
Vast  as  is  the  field  of  operation,  it  has  accom- 
plished appreciable  results  in  New  York  City. 
Could  not  companies  be  formed  to  begin  where 
the  City  and  Suburban  Homes  Company  leaves 
off?  Two  possibilities  suggest  themselves.  One 
is  the  purchase  and  sale  of  land,  and  the  other  is 
disinterested  advice. 

In  this  imperfect  world  perfection  can  never 
be  attained,  and  with  the  best  efforts  mistakes 
will  be  made.  With  a  strange  perversity  men 
often  turn  from  those  who  are  their  true  friends 
and  give  their  confidence  to  the  unscrupulous. 
A  typical  case  is  this :  A  man  sold  his  small  farm 
at  a  fair  price.  Those  to  whom  he  sold  it  were 
apprehensive  lest  he  should  waste  the  money 
and  tried  to  help  him  make  a  wise  investment. 
He  had  every  reason  for  confidence  in  those  who 
were  trying  to  help  him  and  who  had  never 
misled  him,  yet  he  was  evidently  suspicious  that 
they  were  trying  to  serve  their  own  ends. 
Shortly  after   receiving   the   money  he  took   a 

xx  i 


INTRODUCTION 

journey  into  Canada,  fell  into  the  hands  of  land 
sharks,  and  lost  every  dollar  he  had  received  in 
the  purchase  of  worthless  lands. 

As  a  business  becomes  professional  in  charac- 
ter, connections  are  established  with  educational 
institutions.  Medicine  and  law  both  occur  to  one 
as  illustrations.  Our  universities  are  now  de- 
veloping courses  in  land  economics,  and  these 
are  going  to  be  helpful  in  solving  the  problems 
of  land  settlement,  as  well  as  other  land  problems. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  length  of  time 
needed  to  pay  for  a  farm.  No  mistake  is  more 
frequent  than  the  mistake  made  in  underesti- 
mating the  length  of  time  needed  to  buy  a  farm 
and  to  pay  for  it  under  the  amortization  plan 
— that  is  to  say,  by  yearly  installments,  which 
include,  with  interest,  a  portion  of  the  capital. 
Ireland  affords  a  good  illustration.  As  one  great 
Land  Act  has  followed  another,  the  length  of  time 
for  the  payment  of  the  farm  has  been  increased, 
until  now  the  amortization  period  is  about  sixty- 
eight  years. 

With  the  higher  return  to  labor  in  this  country 
the  writer  thinks  twenty-five  to  thirty  years  is 
about  right.  When  we  have  this  period  for  pay- 
ment the  annual  payments  of  principal  are  small 
and  the  farmer  has  the  sense  of  ownership  and  is 
able  to  bring  up  his  family,  giving  the  children 
a  good  education,  and  enjoying  life  as  he  goes 
on.    All  plans  for  land  settlement  should  include 

xx  ii 


INTRODUCTION 

long  credit  payments  for  land  purchase;  also 
provision  of  shorter  periods  for  purchase  of  equip- 
ment. We  are  making  progress  in  the  provision 
of  rural  credit,  but  we  still  have  a  long  way  to  go. 

A  plan  that  should  be  emphasized  is  that  we 
need  the  help  of  the  many  private  agencies  that 
have  been  developed.  While  splendid  experi- 
ments are  being  conducted  in  California,  so  far 
the  land  settlement  of  that  state  cannot  be  re- 
garded as  anything  more  than  experimental. 
The  first  purchase  consisted  of  ten  thousand 
acres.  On  the  other  hand,  a  single  company  in 
one  part  of  the  country  visited  by  Doctor  Speek 
is  making  a  fine  settlement  of  sixty  thousand 
acres.  Land  settlement  is  extremely  complex 
and  thousands  of  honest  men  have  developed 
skill  and  knowledge  in  the  solution  of  its  prob- 
lems. We  need  their  services  and  we  must  use 
every  effort  to  protect  them,  as  well  as  the  settler, 
against  dishonest  and  incompetent  individuals, 
agents  and  companies. 

The  district  attorney's  office  of  New  York 
City  has  achieved  noteworthy  success  in  ferret- 
ing out  land  frauds  and  affording  certain  pro- 
tection to  land  buyers.  Our  criminal  laws  need 
further  development.  In  every  state  there  should 
be  those  to  whom  the  settler  can  turn  with  his 
grievance.  This  is  required  for  the  protection  of 
the  honest  land  company,  as  well  as  for  the  pro- 
tection of  the  settler. 

sxiii 


INTRODUCTION 

When  the  Wisconsin  Railroad  Commission  was 
established,  the  idea  was  that  one  should  be  able 
to  write  on  a  post  card  his  complaint  against 
any  railroad  company,  and  that  the  commission 
should  take  up  and  investigate  the  case.  As 
Doctor  Speek  says,  we  need  Federal  and  state 
commissions.  These  should  prosecute  relent- 
lessly cases  of  fraud,  and  at  the  same  time  en- 
courage right  practices. 

We  hear  much  about  unused  land  which  ought 
to  be  brought  into  use.  Investigations  made  by 
Mr.  O.  E.  Baker,  of  the  Office  of  Farm  Manage- 
ment, U.  S.  Department  of  Agriculture,  and 
others,  show  that  the  idea  that  there  are  vast 
stretches  of  really  good  land  which  are  not  being 
utilized  is  fallacious.  It  stands  to  reason  it 
should  be  so.  If  I  have  land  that  is  worth  a 
dollar  an  acre  per  annum  I  am  not  likely  to  allow 
it  to  be  unused.  I  have  to  pay  taxes  on  the  land, 
and  I  have  the  interest  charge,  which  is  still  more 
important.  We  do  have,  however,  a  great  and 
crying  evil  in  the  mistaken,  as  well  as  the  dis- 
honest, attempt  to  bring  into  use  land  which  is 
not  susceptible  of  profitable  use  by  settlers,  or 
by  any  private  individuals,  for  that  matter. 

Probably  somewhat  less  than  half  of  the  land 
of  the  United  States  can  at  present  be  profitably 
cultivated,  and  a  large  proportion  of  it  has  no 
value  for  the  individual.  Nevertheless,  a  large 
proportion  of  this  inferior  land  is  privately  owned, 

xxiv 


INTRODUCTION 

and  the  owner  is  under  a  constant  temptation  to 
sell  it  to  the  settler.  One  of  the  chief  problems 
we  have  is  to  take  out  of  the  market  this  sub- 
marginal  land,  which  is  responsible  for  so  many 
ruined  and  embittered  lives.  Dishonest  sale  of 
poor  land  to  unsuspecting  settlers  is  a  cause  of 
Bolshevism,  which  we  ought  to  fight  in  every 
possible  way. 

Another  point  made  by  Doctor  Speek  relates 
to  access  to  the  land.  How  much  utter  nonsense 
has  been  talked  about  access  to  the  land.  As 
Doctor  Speek  points  out,  access  to  the  land  means 
a  great  many  different  things.  If  it  is  to  amount 
to  anything,  it  means  knowledge  based  upon 
experience  and  it  means  capital.  There  is  no 
magic  about  access  to  the  land  any  more  than 
there  is  about  access  to  any  other  occupation 
than  farming.  A  man  who  goes  into  any  occupa- 
tion, if  he  is  going  to  be  successful,  must  have 
the  requisite  tools,  the  requisite  experience,  and 
the  requisite  capital. 

The  writer  would  like  to  touch  upon  many 
other  points  suggested  by  Doctor  Speek's  excel- 
lent report.  One  only,  however,  will  be  men- 
tioned. We  have  spoken  about  the  selection  of 
land.  We  must  also  remember  that  those  who 
are  settling  the  land  are  those  who  are  going  to 
make  up  our  rural  population.  Every  state  in 
the  Union,  as  well  as  the  Federal  government, 
should  consider  the  qualifications  of  those  who 

XXV 


INTRODUCTION 

are  settling  the  land.  We  are  going  to  have  the 
experience  of  every  European  country.  That  is, 
by  no  possibility  can  everyone  who  would  like 
to  own  a  farm  have  one,  any  more  than  can 
everyone  who  would  like  to  own  some  other 
business  obtain  it.  No  better  illustration  could 
be  taken  than  that  of  Ireland,  when  visited  by 
the  writer  in  1913.  There  was  not  land  enough 
to  afford  farms  to  all  those  who  wanted  farms. 
A  selection  had  to  be  made.  As  we  should  have 
agencies  to  help  select  land,  we  should  also  make 
a  wise  selection  of  those  who  are  to  become  our 
land  owners  and  cultivators  in  our  rural  com- 
munities. 

Richard  T.  Ely, 
January,  1921.  University  of  Wisconsin. 


AUTHOR'S    NOTE 

This  report  summarizes  the  results  of  a  pre- 
liminary survey  of  rural  developments  in  the 
United  States  from  the  viewpoint  of  the  Ameri- 
canization of  immigrant  settlers  conducted  by 
the  writer  for  the  Study  of  Methods  of  Ameri- 
canization. 

The  field  study  covered  a  period  of  about  four 
months,  from  June  to  September,  1918,  inclusive, 
during  which  time  the  writer  with  his  wife, 
Frances  Valiant  Speek,  as  his  assistant,  visited 
fifty-four  cities  and  rural  immigrant  colonies  in 
New  England,  the  North  Middle  Western,  the 
Western,  and  the  Southwestern  states.  The 
cities  and  colonies  visited  and  the  nationalities 
involved  are  given  in  the  order  followed  in  the 
field  study: 


6' 


1.  New  York,  N.  Y 

2.  Vineland,  N.  J Italians 

3.  "  Jews 

4.  Russian  co-operative  farm 

5.  Alliance,  N.  J Jews 

6.  Norma,  N.  J Jews 

7.  Woodbine,  N.  J Jews 

8.  Wellington,  Conn Bohemians 

9.  "  Slovaks 

10.  Portsmouth,  R.  I Portuguese 

xxvii 


AUTHOR'S  NOTE 

11.  Fall  River,  Mass Portuguese 

12.  South  Deerfield,  Mass. .  .Poles 

13.  "  ...Lithuanians 

14.  Oneida,  N.  Y Italians 

15.  Canastota,  N.  Y Italians 

16.  Detroit,  Mich 

17.  Lansing,  Mich 

18.  Holland,  Mich Dutch 

19.  Au  Gres,  Mich Germans  from  Russia 

20.  Germans  from  Germany 

21.  Posen,  Mich Poles 

22.  Rudyard,  Mich Finns 

23.  Canadian  French 

24.  Madison,  Wis 

25.  Radisson,  Wis Poles 

26.  Exeland,  Wis Mixed 

27.  Conrath,  Wis Poles 

28.  Weyerhauser,  Wis Poles 

29.  Holcombe,  Wis Mixed 

30.  Wausau,  Wis Mixed,  Germans  and  native- 

born  predominating 

31.  Three  Lakes,  Wis Poles 

32.  Jennings,  Wis Poles 

33.  New  Rhinelander,  Wis.  .Italians 

34.  Roxbury,  Wis Germans 

35.  Walworth  County,  Wis.  .Germans 

36.  St.  Paul,  Minn 

37.  St.  Cloud,  Minn Slovenians 

38.  "  Germans 

39.  Fargo,  N.  D Scandinavians,   Swedes,   Nor- 

wegians 

40.  Bismarck,  N.  D 

41.  Dickinson,  N.  D Russians 

42.  "  Germans 

43.  San  Francisco,  Cal Russian  Sectarians 

44.  Japanese 

45.  Sacramento,  Cal 

46.  Fresno,  Cal 

47.  Loa  Angeles,  Cal Russian  Sectarians 

xxviii 


AUTHOR'S  NOTE 

48.  Glendale,  Ariz Russian  Sectarians 

49.  Phoenix,  Ariz 

50.  Globe,  Ariz 

51.  Austin,  Tex 

52.  Lincoln,  Neb Germans 

53.  Milford,  Neb Germans  (Mennonites) 

54.  Chicago,  111 

In  addition  to  observation  of  the  conditions 
in  the  colonies,  numbers  of  the  immigrant  settlers, 
their  leaders,  native  neighbors,  and  local  public 
officials  were  interviewed  on  the  subject  of  the 
survey.  This  was  later  supplemented  by  re- 
search, conducted  mainly  by  the  writer's  assistant 
in  the  Library  of  Congress.  No  attempt  was 
made  to  collect  facts  and  material  in  a  quantita- 
tive sense,  attention  being  concentrated  on  what 
seemed  to  be  outstanding  facts,  conditions,  and 
cases. 

In  the  writing  of  this  summary  the  writer,  as 
an  immigrant  himself,  has  also  used  his  own  ex- 
periences and  earlier  observations  beginning  in 
1909,  and  his  observations  during  his  field  investi- 
gation of  the  conditions  of  floating  laborers  in 
this  country  for  the  United  States  Commission 
on  Industrial  Relations  during  1913-15. 

The  fundamental  conclusion  at  which  the 
writer  has  arrived  in  this  summary  is  as  follows: 

The  establishment  of  a  home  may  involve 
direct  material  assistance,  but  requires  protec- 
tion, direction,  and  instruction  given  to  the 
home -seeking  and  home  -  building  immigrants. 


XXIX 


AUTHOR'S  NOTE 

These  aspects  of  the  problem  are  discussed  in 
Part  I. 

In  the  question  of  education  the  instruction  of 
adult  immigrants  as  well  as  immigrant  children 
is  important.  Among  all  educational  agencies 
the  public  school  is  the  foremost.  The  parochial 
school  and  Catholic  and  Lutheran  churches  are, 
in  many  of  the  districts  studied.  Part  II  dis- 
cusses the  relative  efficacy  of  public  and  private 
educational  agencies  in  tying  the  immigrant  into 
American  life  and  loyalties. 

P.  A.  S. 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 
PART  I 


A    STAKE    IN    THE    LAND 


NEED    OF   A    LAND    POLICY 

One  of  the  strongest  ties  uniting  human  beings 
is  found  among  the  members  of  a  family,  the 
unit  which  is  the  foundation  of  the  structure  of 
organized  society.  Each  family  requires  a  home 
for  its  normal  life  and  development.  A  normal 
home,  especially  in  rural  districts,  means  a  piece 
of  land  and  a  suitable  house  for  the  family; 
it  implies  also  an  opportunity  to  earn  the  family 
living  either  on  the  same  land — if  it  is  large 
enough,  as  in  the  case  of  truck  gardens  or  farms — ■ 
or  in  a  near-by  industrial  establishment;  it  implies 
acquaintances  and  friends  in  the  same  neighbor- 
hood, and  certain  minimum  necessities  of  modern 
civilized  life,  such  as  roads,  post  office,  news- 
paper, church,  school,  physician. 

STRENGTH    OF   HOME   TIES 

When  an  immigrant  has  succeeded  in  establish- 
ing   such    a    home    in    America    he    invariably 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

answers,  when  questioned  as  to  whether  he  con- 
siders America  or  the  land  of  his  birth  to  be  his 
country,  that  America  is  his  country.  And  he 
goes  on  to  explain,  saying  that  America  is  a 
free  country,  with  better  chances  for  everybody; 
that  he  has  made  his  home  here;  that  his  children 
have  been  born  here;  that  they  have  better 
schooling  and  much  brighter  hope  for  the  future. 
For  all  these  reasons,  he  explains,  he  does  not 
want  to  return  to  his  native  country  except 
perhaps  on  a  visit,  and  he  repeats  again  and 
again  that  America,  not  his  old  country,  is  now 
his  homeland. 

There  is  no  other  tie  that  binds  a  man  so 
closely  to  a  country  as  his  home.  No  wonder, 
for  home  is  everybody's  center  of  the  world, 
lookout  tower,  refuge,  and  resting  place.  With 
it  are  associated  the  most  intimate  and  tender 
feelings  a  human  being  ever  experiences,  and 
naturally  the  same  fine  feelings  extend  to  the 
place  in  which  one's  home  is  located.  So  we 
speak  of  fatherland,  motherland,  homeland,  ex- 
pressing in  these  words  the  close  intimacy  be- 
tween family,  home,  country,  and  ourselves. 

In  direct  distinction,  the  word  "homeless" 
has  implications  of  aimless  drifting,  of  destitution 
and  misery,  and  of  the  indifference  of  a  "home- 
less" man  to  "his"  country.  Certain  advocates 
of  cosmopolitanism  in  their  agitation  against 
patriotism  often  take  advantage  of  the  impor- 


M 


■    j. •..».. 


i  I   -Vw..       j  j  »    ... 


I 


NEED  OF  A  LAND  POLICY 

tance  of  borne  in  the  relation  of  a  man  to  his 
country  when  they  appeal  to  the  "proletarians": 
"Do  you  own  anything?  Do  you  have  even  a 
home  in  this  country?  If  not,  why  then  should 
you  love  it?" 

Although  a  home  means  a  little  world  by  itself 
— much  more  than  a  piece  of  land  with  a  shelter 
on  it — the  establishment  of  a  home,  nevertheless, 
involves,  first  of  all,  the  acquisition  of  a  piece  of 
land,  even  though  it  be  the  smallest  suburban 
building  lot  with  a  twenty-five-foot  frontage.  If 
the  piece  of  land  is  large  enough  so  that  its  owner, 
if  he  is  inclined  to  land  cultivation,  can  make  a 
living  by  working  on  it  as  either  gardener  or 
farmer,  so  much  the  better. 

immigrants'  love  of  the  land 

It  so  happens  that  a  large  number  of  immigrants 
who  come  to  our  shores  with  the  intention  of 
remaining  here  desire  to  establish  a  home,  to 
acquire  land,  and  to  become  land  cultivators  in 
America.  Most  of  them  have  had  farming 
experience  in  Europe.  But  what  actually  has 
happened  and  is  happening  year  after  year  is 
that  these  immigrants,  saturated  with  farm  life 
and  experience,  drift  to  the  cities,  to  work  in 
mines  and  factories  and  at  pick-and-shovel  jobs. 
This  fact  was  confirmed  so  clearly  by  the 
investigation  of  the  United  States  Immigration 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Commission  that  its  report  has  been  the  basis  of 
the  following  statement: 

From  one  third  to  three  fifths  of  these  newcomers,  the 
proportion  varying  according  to  race,  had  been  engaged  in 
agricultural  pursuits  before  coming  to  the  United  States,  but 
not  one  in  ten  has  settled  on  farms  in  this  country.1 

In  the  year  1900,  as  is  shown  in  Table  I,  there 
were  276,745  foreign-born  white  persons  of  both 
sexes  employed  as  farm  laborers  in  this  country. 
In  1910  the  number  of  immigrant  agricultural 
laborers  was  336,753,  an  increase  of  60,008,  or 
about  22  per  cent. 

TABLE  I 

Number  (by  Sex)  of  Foreign-born  White  Persons  En- 
gaged as  Farm  Laborers  in  the  United  States, 
1900  and  1910  2 


Sex 

1910 

1900 

Males 

308,360 
28,393 

253,895 

Females 

22,850 

Total 

336,753 

276,745 

1  Jenks  and  Lauck,  The  Immigration  Problem,  p.  100. 

2  The  figures  for  1910  are  taken  from  the  Census  of  1910,  vol.  iv, 
p.  303.  The  Census  of  1900  does  not  give  occupations  by  nativity. 
The  figures  for  1900  are  taken  from  the  Reports  of  the  Immigration 
Commission,  vol.  xxviii,  pp.  66,  71-79,  prepared  from  original  and 
unpublished  data  of  the  Census  Bureau.  Since  the  figures  for  im- 
migrant female  agricultural  laborers  are  incomplete,  it  has  been  here 
assumed  that  they  were  in  the  same  proportion  to  that  of  the  males 
in  1910 — namely,  about  9  per  cent.  Therefore  the  figure  22,850  for 
the  immigrant  female  agricultural  laborers  for  1900  represents  an 
estimate  of  9  per  cent  of  the  number  of  immigrant  male  agricultural 
laborers  for  1900. 

6 


NEED  OF  A  LAND  POLICY 

According  to  the  reports  of  the  Commissioner 
General  of  Immigration,  1,602,748  immigrant 
agricultural  laborers,  male  and  female,  arrived 
in  the  United  States  between  1901  and  1910, 
both  years  inclusive.  If  all  of  these  incoming 
agricultural  laborers  had  found  employment  on 
farms  in  this  country,  the  increase  of  immigrant 
agricultural  laborers  in  1910  over  the  number  of 
1900  would  have  been  579  per  cent  instead  of 
22  per  cent. 

The  United  States  Immigration  Commission 
made  a  detailed  study  of  17,141  households,  the 
heads  of  which  were  miners  or  wage  earners  in 
manufacturing  establishments.  Of  the  persons 
of  these  households  for  whom  complete  data 
were  secured,  62  per  cent  of  the  males  and  24 
per  cent  of  the  females  were  employed  as  farm 
laborers  or  as  farmers  before  coming  to  the 
United  States.  The  Immigration  Commission 
also  secured  detailed  information  from  181,330 
male  and  12,968  female  employees  in  mines  and 
manufacturing  establishments.  Of  these,  54  per 
cent  of  the  males  and  44  per  cent  of  the  females 
were  employed  in  the  old  country  in  farming  or 
as  farm  laborers.1 

The  transformation  of  European  peasants  into 
mill  hands  and  miners  in  America  is  to  be 
ascribed  partially  to  the  fact  that  land  was  not 

1  Reports  of  the  United  States  Immigration  Commission,  1911,  vol. 
xix,  pp.  89-102. 

7 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

available  to  them  when  they  arrived  in  this 
country.  Either  they  did  not  know  where  the 
land  which  awaited  a  cultivator  was  located,  or 
they  had  not  enough  money  to  buy  such  land, 
or  they  lacked  credit  needed  to  undertake  opera- 
tions in  clearing  and  preparing  new  land,  or  they 
were  ignorant  of  American  farming  conditions. 
Some  seemingly  insurmountable  reason  prevented 
them  from  following  their  desires  and  calling. 

This  occupational  change  has  resulted  in  loss 
to  this  country.  The  experience  in  agriculture 
of  these  large  numbers  of  men,  coupled  with 
their  ability  for  the  hard  manual  labor  required 
in  truck  gardening,  in  intensive  farming,  and 
especially  in  the  opening  up  of  new  land,  has 
been  wastefully  cast  aside.  The  significance  of 
such  loss  is  clear  in  view  of  the  fundamental 
importance  of  agriculture  in  the  nation's  life. 
About  two  thirds  of  the  area  of  our  country  is 
uncultivated  as  yet,  and  the  one  third  that  is 
cultivated  is  worked  extensively  rather  than 
intensively.  Furthermore,  native  Americans  and 
even  old-time  immigrants  avoid  hard  pioneering 
work  in  the  wilderness  since  they  can  find  oppor- 
tunities of  lighter  work  and  better  returns  else- 
where, on  already  established  and  "paying" 
farms. 

Aside  from  economic  loss  there  has  also  been  a 
loss  in  social  values.  The  desire  of  a  large  number 
of  immigrants  to  establish  permanent  rural  homes 


NEED  OF  A  LAND  POLICY 

and  to  become  citizens  here  has  gone  to  the  winds. 
Instead  of  scattering  over  the  country  and  min- 
gling with  the  native  population,  they  have  been 
driven  to  the  congested  cities  and  have  formed 
there  Little  Polands,  Little  Italies,  ghettos, 
etc.,  remaining  almost  untouched  by  American 
influences.  Both  the  economic  and  the  social 
loss  might  have  been  averted  to  a  considerable 
degree  if  the  nation  had  had  an  effective  land 
policy  and  if  it  had  come  to  the  aid  of  the  immi- 
grants in  distributing  and  settling  them  on  the 
land. 

The  certainty  in  the  mind  of  an  immigrant 
that  there  is  a  stake  in  the  land  for  him,  and  his 
confidence  that  in  the  acquirement  of  his  stake 
he  gets  a  square  deal  from  all  concerned,  are 
more  important  from  the  viewpoint  of  Ameri- 
canization than  the  actual  acquirement  of  any 
settlement  on  land;  for  not  all  immigrants  desire 
to  own  a  piece  of  land  and  work  on  it,  and  not 
all  who  desire  to  can  actually  do  so.  Other  con- 
siderations— for  instance,  family  conditions,  in- 
dustrial opportunities,  city  attractions,  etc. — pre- 
vent a  number  of  such  immigrants  from  becoming 
farmers.  Many  come  to  America  only  to  make 
money  so  as  to  return  and  buy  land  at  home.  For 
land  ownership  is  to  them  the  goal  in  life.  What 
a  change  in  this  transient  attitude  might  be  made 
by  a  policy  of  having  land  available  and  usable 
for  such  birds  of  passage. 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Certainty  and  confidence  as  purely  psycho- 
logical factors  in  the  process  of  Americanization 
can  be  cultivated  in  the  immigrants  by  affording 
effective  public  guidance  and  protection  to  those 
who  actually  attempt  to  settle  on  land. 

As  the  land  settlement  conditions  now  are,  a 
large  number  of  the  land-seeking  immigrants  are 
disappointed  in  the  acquirement  of  land;  they 
have  no  confidence  in  the  land  sellers  and  dealers, 
and  they  have  even  become  suspicious  of  the 
country's  laws  and  public  institutions  connected 
with  land  transfer  by  purchase.  To  illustrate: 
An  old-time  Italian  immigrant,  a  skilled  truck 
gardener,  working  for  another  Italian  near  a 
small  Eastern  town,  explained  to  the  writer: 

I  have  saved  a  small  sum  of  money  for  the  purpose  of 
buying  a  piece  of  land.  But  after  years  of  search  I  have  not 
succeeded  in  acquiring  a  piece  of  land  suitable  for  gardening. 
All  land  seems  to  have  been  already  "grabbed."  The  price 
asked  is  so  high  that  one  hardly  is  able  to  work  it  out  of  the 
soil.  Last  year  a  "Yankee"  sold  me  some  land,  but  he  did 
not  give  it  to  me;  he  wanted  only  my  money.  I  had  to  take 
a  lawyer,  but  he  did  not  get  the  land  that  I  had  bought  for 
me.  Only  my  money  was  returned,  half  of  which  the  lawyer 
kept  for  himself  as  a  fee  for  his  services.  There  is  no  help 
from  lawyers  or  courts.  I  lost  my  savings  of  years.  The 
laud-selling  business  in  this  country  is  a  big  humbug.  Too 
bad! 

NEED   FOR   LAND   REGULATION 

It  is  an   astonishing,   almost  unbelievable  fact 

that,  although  nearly  all   industrial   and   trade 

10 


NEED  OF  A  LAND  POLICY 

pursuits  have  come  under  some  sort  of  public 
regulation,  licensing,  or  supervision — even  such 
minor  trades  as  shoeblacking,  fruit  peddling, 
and  mere  popcorn  and  peanut  selling — land 
dealing,  one  of  the  most  basic  of  all  trades,  has 
been  practically  overlooked  by  our  lawmakers. 

The  regulation  of  a  trade  requires  a  definite 
policy  toward  the  present  and  future  of  the  trade 
in  relation  to  the  public  safety  and  welfare,  and 
especially  is  this  true  in  regard  to  the  regulation 
of  land  dealing.  The  United  States  needs  acutely 
regulation  of  land  dealing  within  its  boundaries, 
and  as  a  natural  antecedent  to  regulation  it 
should  have  and  must  have  a  definite  land 
policy.  To  go  one  step  farther,  no  efficient  policy 
is  possible  unless  it  is  founded  on  certain  sound 
principles.  What  are  the  guiding  principles  for 
a  practical  land  policy? 

First  of  all,  there  is  the  economic  principle. 
It  is  the  increase  of  food  production,  on  which 
the  very  life  of  the  nation,  its  development 
and  future  strength,  depend.  The  war  demon- 
strated this  in  a  most  convincing  way.  The 
increase  of  productivity  of  the  land  must  be 
continuous  and  permanent.  The  1920  Census 
reports  city  population  increases  five  times  as 
rapidly  as  rural.  Aside  from  conservation  of 
the  soil — that  is,  saving  what  we  have — there 
must  go  on  constant  improvement  of  the  soil 

by  fertilizing  and  by  the  introduction  of  more 

11 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

efficient  methods  of  cultivation,  intensive  as  well 
as  extensive. 

Then  comes  the  social  principle  of  an  efficient 
land  policy,  with  the  end  in  view  of  affording 
more  opportunities  for  the  establishment  of 
family  homes.  Among  other  results,  this  would 
closely  bind  the  foreign-born  elements  of  the 
population  to  the  country  and  in  this  way  materi- 
ally assist  the  assimilation  process.  It  would 
make  for  better  public  health  and  for  greater 
happiness  of  the  people. 

The  political  goal  is  the  stability  of  democracy 
and  the  strength  of  the  country  in  domestic  and 
international  relations,  in  peace  and  in  war. 
The  agrarian  disorders  of  Europe,  its  varied  tur- 
moils, revolutions,  and  war,  accompanied  by 
starvation  and  epidemics,  are  to  a  large  degree 
due  to  the  old  prevailing  out-of-date  forms  of 
land  tenure  inherited  from  mediaeval  times. 

Toward  these  ends  certain  changes  and  reforms 
in  the  distribution  and  colonization  of  land 
should  be  undertaken.  The  existing  conditions 
are  such  as  require  prompt  attention,  not  only 
in  the  interests  of  the  general  public  and  for 
the  sake  of  the  general  good  of  the  country,  but 
especially  for  the  sake  of  the  immigrant.  Because 
of  his  greater  ignorance  and  helplessness  and  his 
usually  strong  desire  to  settle  on  land,  he  suffers 
more  often  and  more  severely  than  the  native- 
born  American  from  the  unscrupulousness  and 

12 


NEED  OF  A  LAND  POLICY 

dishonesty  and  laissez-faire  methods  that  flourish 
in  the  absence  of  a  public  land  policy  and  public 
land  regulation. 

The  partial  or  utter  misfortune  which  the  im- 
migrant so  often  experiences  molds  his  entire 
opinion  of  and  attitude  toward  the  United  States. 
From  the  viewpoint  of  the  Americanization  of 
the  immigrant,  therefore,  the  questions  of  land 
policy,  land  colonization,  and  land  dealing  are 
of  the  utmost  importance.  Before  a  discussion  of 
reforms  is  begun,  a  general  description  of  present 
conditions,  from  this  point  of  view  of  American- 
ization, is  necessary. 


II 

LEARNING    OF   LAND    OPPORTUNITIES 

The  immigrant  desiring  to  settle  on  land  is  con- 
stantly on  the  lookout  for  an  opportunity  to 
acquire  land.  The  most  general  way  of  learning 
of  such  opportunity  is  through  personal  acquaint- 
ance or  through  correspondence  with  relatives 
and  friends  of  the  immigrant's  own  nationality 
who  have  previously  settled  on  land.  These 
sources  of  information  are  considered  by  the 
immigrant  to  be  the  most  reliable,  although  they 
have  certain  drawbacks. 

FRIENDS,   AGENTS,   AND   ADVERTISEMENTS 

First,  immigrants  on  the  land  are  always  desirous 
of  increasing  the  number  of  people  of  their  own 
race  or  nationality  in  their  particular  locality,  for 
the  sake  of  their  own  advantage;  for  the  larger 
their  community  the  better  their  social  and 
business  opportunities.  Therefore  they  are  often 
prone  to  exaggerate  the  advantages  of  land  and 
farming  in  their  section  and  to  be  silent  as  to  the 
disadvantages,  so  as  to  induce  more  people  of 
their  race  to  join  the  community. 

14 


r- 

, 

M' 

m 

p  ••** 

^K             _ 

i 

THE  OWNER   OF   THIS   FARM,  SETTLED   IN    1917,  HAS   PERSUADED 
SIX  MEMBERS  OF  HIS  FAMILY  TO  BUY  FARMS  IN  THE  NEIGHBORHOOD 


Mm   ur 


LEARNING  OF  LAND  OPPORTUNITIES 

Second,  it  is  quite  a  common  practice  among 
immigrant  settlers  to  receive  from  land  com- 
panies certain  commissions  for  bringing  in  further 
settlers,  which  induce  them  to  exaggerate  the 
good  qualities  of  the  land.  The  usual  commis- 
sion in  the  North  Middle  states  is  fifty  cents  per 
acre.  The  prospective  buyers  of  land  do  not 
usually  know  about  this. 

There  are  also  cases  where  a  settler  has  secretly 
become  a  regular  agent  of  the  land  company, 
receiving  from  the  latter  a  salary  in  addition  to 
a  commission  on  each  piece  of  land  sold  through 
him.  In  such  cases  the  agent,  known  to  the 
prospective  buyer  only  as  an  ordinary  settler,  is 
in  a  position  to  get  much  higher  prices  for  the 
land  than  a  regular  agent. 

Still  more  danger  for  the  immigrant  lurks  in 
the  scheme  whereby  immigrant  settlers  already 
on  the  land,  or  their  native-born  neighbors, 
seeing  that  new  people  are  coming  in  rapidly, 
take  options  on  valuable  land  in  certain  desirable 
localities  and  resell  it  to  the  newcomers  at  a 
much  higher  price.  Near  Willington,  Connecti- 
cut, there  is  a  Bohemian  colony,  and  in  the  days 
when  this  colony  was  growing  rapidly  a  Bo- 
hemian settler  looked  up  land  available  there 
and  took  a  number  of  options  on  farms  for  which 
he  already  had  would-be  buyers.  He  took  an 
option  on  one  farm  for  its  purchase  at  the  price 
of  $500;    to  the  buyer  he  charged  $1,500,  and 

15 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

made  a  clear  profit  of  $1,000.  According  to  a 
report  of  the  Immigration  Commission  relating 
to  the  same  colony,  a  man  who  paid  $1,000  in 
cash  for  a  farm  found  that  the  land  "agent" 
who  sold  it  to  him  had  bought  the  option  from 
the  original  owner  for  $400  a  few  weeks  before 
the  bargain  was  closed. 

Quite  a  number  of  land  companies  are  employ- 
ing immigrant  agents,  especially  of  those  nation- 
alities and  races  with  which  they  expect  to  do 
business  on  a  large  scale.  Usually  these  agents 
are  sent  out  to  the  immigrant  centers  in  industrial 
towns.  They  bring  the  prospective  immigrant 
settlers  to  see  the  land  and  they  conduct  the 
business  in  cases  where  the  immigrants  do  not 
know  English.  The  companies  consider  this  the 
most  effective  way  of  reaching  immigrants  who 
desire  to  settle  on  land. 

Another  way  in  which  immigrants  learn  of 
land  opportunities  is  through  the  land  com- 
panies' advertisements  in  the  foreign-language 
newspapers.  The  immigrant  newspapers,  de- 
pending on  a  nation-wide  constituency,  are,  as  a 
rule,  careful  in  accepting  trade  advertisements. 
Often  the  editor,  before  accepting  the  advertise- 
ment from  the  land  company,  makes  a  personal 
visit  to  the  company's  main  office  to  find  out 
whether  the  advertisement  is  honest  or  put  out 
by  schemers  and  crooks.  According  to  the  testi- 
mony of  the  land  companies  the  editors  of  the 

16 


LEARNING  OF  LAND  OPPORTUNITIES 

foreign-language  newspapers,  in  the  vast  ma- 
jority of  cases,  are  honest  men  who  refuse  to  be 
bribed.  Only  in  a  very  few  cases  have  the 
editors  agreed  to  accept  commissions. 

Finally  comes  the  usual  method  of  all  land 
companies,  that  of  sending  out  agents  among  the 
immigrants,  sending  them  folders,  etc.  As  a 
rule  the  advertisements  and  folders  exaggerate 
the  good  points  of  the  land  and  gloss  over  the 
bad  points.  Quite  often  the  exaggerations  know 
no  bounds;  the  land  is  described  as  the  most 
fertile  on  the  surface  of  the  earth — photographs 
show  corn,  for  instance,  growing  like  a  forest;  a 
record  of  the  yield  is  given,  showing  it  to  bring 
hundreds  and  even  thousands  of  dollars  a  year 
per  acre.  Such  exaggerations  may  be  illustrated 
by  the  literature  sent  out  by  the  New  South 
Farm  and  Home  Company,  advertising  ten-acre 
farms  in  Florida.  The  representations  were  that 
the  farms  were  not  swampy,  were  near  direct 
water  connections  with  New  York;  that  every 
month  in  the  year  was  a  growing  month;  that 
the  farms  were  surrounded  by  orange  and  citrous- 
fruit  farms;  that  there  were  fine  roads,  wells, 
homes,  schools,  hotels,  etc.;  that  the  titles  were 
perfect;  that  neighboring  farms  were  doubling, 
trebling,  and  quadrupling  in  price;  that  the 
settlements  were  rapidly  growing;  that  there 
was  every  convenience  and  comfort,  such  as 
Pullman  cars,  long-distance  telephone,  etc.,  etc. 

17 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

It  is  needless  to  say  that  many  of  these  advan- 
tages were  nonexistent.  The  decision  of  the  Su- 
preme Court  of  the  United  States  in  regard  to 
this  case  was  that  when  a  proposed  seller  goes 
beyond  mere  exaggeration  of  the  qualities  of  an 
article  and  assigns  to  it  qualities  which  it  does 
not  possess,  "does  not  simply  magnify  in  opinion 
the  advantages  which  it  has,  but  invents  ad- 
vantages and  falsely  asserts  their  existence,  he 
transcends  the  limit  of  'puffing'  and  engages  in 
false  representations  and  pretenses."  By  this 
decision  it  was  established  that  to  invent  ad- 
vantages and  falsely  assert  their  existence  in  a 
transaction  of  sale  is  a  fraud. 


FEDERAL   AND   STATE   IMMIGRATION   OFFICES 

The  information  given  to  immigrants  by  the 
Federal  and  state  immigration  offices  is  of  value, 
because  it  presents  certain  facts  needed  by 
settlers,  as,  for  instance,  information  on  climatic 
conditions,  general  soil  and  market  conditions, 
and  so  on.  But  these  information  bulletins  often 
do  not  reach  the  immigrants  because  the  immi- 
grants do  not  know  enough  to  ask  for  them;  and, 
even  supposing  that  they  did  reach  the  prospec- 
tive settler,  the  bulletins  are  too  general.  They 
describe  the  conditions  of  large  districts  and  sec- 
tions of  the  country  or  state,  while  what  the 
immigrant  needs   is  exact,   detailed  knowledge 

18 


LEARNING  OF  LAND  OPPORTUNITIES 

about  a  particular  piece  of  land  in  which  he  is 
interested.  The  government  officials  claim  that 
they  have  not  sufficient  forces  to  undertake  a 
detailed  investigation  of  individual  land  holdings, 
and  also  that  they  must  try  to  avoid  any  appear- 
ance of  discriminating  between  various  land 
companies  in  the  sense  of  encouraging  or  dis- 
couraging the  sale  of  land  belonging  to  given 
companies. 

In  general,  one  might  say  that  the  ways  open 
to  immigrants  for  learning  of  land  opportunities 
are  defective.  Misrepresentation  of  land  con- 
ditions and  actual  money  frauds  have  made 
them  suspicious  of  any  land  dealer,  so  that  the 
best  land  companies  experience,  in  the  immi- 
grants' suspicion,  a  handicap  in  the  development 
of  their  business.  This  in  part  explains  why  the 
various  real-estate  associations  are  trying  to  get 
some  sort  of  public  regulation  for  their  business 
and  why  a  number  of  states  which  are  interested 
in  the  development  of  their  lands  have  begun  to 
talk  of  regulation.  They  reason  that  such  regu- 
lation would  be  a  good  advertisement  for  the 
state  and  would  increase  the  confidence  of  people 
in  the  chances  of  successfully  settling  on  land  in 
that  state. 

POLICIES   IN   CALIFORNIA   AND   WISCONSIN 

In  the  states  of  California  and  Wisconsin  the 
state  departments  and  colleges  of  agriculture, 

3  19 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

through  their  extension  service  and  the  state 
immigration  offices,  are  doing  highly  valuable 
work  in  disseminating  correct  information  in 
regard  to  land  opportunities  among  prospective 
settlers  and  in  defending  the  latter  against 
unscrupulous  land  dealers.  The  writer  was 
especially  impressed  by  the  methods  used  by  the 
Director  of  Immigration  of  the  Wisconsin  De- 
partment of  Agriculture,  Mr.  B.  G.  Packer.  The 
following  statement  dictated  by  Mr.  Packer 
serves  as  the  best  description  of  his  work  and 
methods : 

Four  years  ago,  at  the  invitation  of  the  Department  of 
Labor,  in  Chicago,  I  began  going  down  and  meeting  people 
by  appointment  there — immigrants  who  wanted  to  come  to 
Wisconsin.  In  order  to  reach  them,  we  advertised  in  Chicago 
papers.  We  ran  classified  notices  in  the  metropolitan  papers, 
in  addition  inviting  correspondence  from  home  seekers.  We 
ran  articles  in  foreign-language  papers,  showing  what  the  crops 
are  and  how  to  open  up  the  land,  how  to  pull  up  the  stumps, 
etc.  We  have  had  pamphlets  on  Wisconsin,  and  methods  of 
cultivation  of  its  land,  published  in  foreign  languages. 

I  find  that  the  home  seekers  do  not  know  where  to  go  or 
whom  to  believe,  but  by  meeting  them  in  conferences  I  have 
been  able  to  protect  them  against  exploitation  and  direct 
them  to  localities  where  they  stand  a  good  show  of  making 
good.  The  average  capital  of  immigrants  will  run  a  little 
over  fifteen  hundred  dollars.  The  average  capital  of  native- 
born  Americans  who  come  to  see  me  is  considerably  less. 
A  man  going  on  the  land  should  have  not  less  than  twelve 
hundred  dollars  after  making  his  first  payment  on  forty 
acres.  We  have  schedules  showing  approximately  what  his 
living  expenses  will  be  for  the  first  couple  of  years. 

Our  work  is  largely  protective.  The  leading  Chicago 
papers  co-operate  with  us  by  refusing  the  advertising  of 

20 


LEARNING  OF  LAND   OPPORTUNITIES 

real-estate  men  who  misrepresent  their  properties.  The 
state  attorney's  office  co-operates  with  us  by  enforcing  the 
confidence-game  statute.  Every  inquirer  is  furnished  with  a 
certificate  (see  p.  22),  and  I  find  that  dishonest  dealers  refuse 
to  sell  to  home  seekers  who  present  this  certificate  to  them. 

One  point  I  should  like  to  emphasize  is  that  the  back-to- 
the-farm  movement  will  be  successful  in  proportion  to  each 
state's  activity  in  supplying  home  seekers  with  information 
that  will  insure  their  success  on  the  land. 

First,  those  coming  into  the  new  land  region  in  our  state, 
must  have  enough  capital  to  carry  them  through  the  first 
two  years  for  the  purchase  of  clothing  and  food  and  farm 
equipment. 

Second,  they  should  have  had  some  experience  in  farming. 
The  city -bred  man  who  wishes  to  get  out  into  the  country, 
not  because  of  love  of  the  country,  but  because  of  dislike  of 
the  city,  is  a  poor  investment.  Those  visiting  us  who  have 
not  had  farm  experience  are  urged  to  get  it  before  locating 
or  before  investing  their  money. 

Third,  the  wife  must  be  satisfied  and  willing  to  undergo 
some  pioneering.  Right  here  is  where  a  good  many  fall  down. 
The  man  is  willing  to  go  and  his  wife  goes  unwillingly. 

Fourth,  the  immigrants  should  not  be  flimflammed  into 
paying  excessive  prices  for  undeveloped  land.  So  far  as 
Wisconsin  is  concerned,  competition  takes  care  of  this,  pro- 
vided the  home  seeker  gets  into  communication  with  our 
department.  To  illustrate:  One  concern  in  Chicago,  oper- 
ating in  Bayfield  County,  Wisconsin,  is  asking  forty  and 
forty-five  dollars  an  acre  for  cut-over  land  no  better  than 
may  be  obtained  from  lumber  and  railroad  companies  for 
half  this  figure. 

Fifth,  there  is  a  tendency  on  the  part  of  land  salesmen  to 
load  up  the  immigrant  with  more  land  than  he  can  use,  or 
sometimes  pay  for.  Eighty  acres  makes  a  good-sized  farm 
for  one  family  to  develop  and  handle,  and  this  is  the  size  of 
tract  recommended. 

Sixth,  the  back-to-the-lander  should  be  a  man  in  good 
physical  condition.  I  believe  that  it  is  a  mistake  to  put 
men  on  the  land  who  are  not  heavy  enough  for  farm  work. 

21 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  man  should  weigh  not  less  than  two  pounds  for  every 
inch  of  his  height,  which  is  the  army  standard. 

Seventh,  it  is  a  mistake  to  encourage  people  to  go  on  the 
land  after  the  time  for  the  spring  work  has  passed.  I  mean 
by  this  that  under  our  conditions  the  settler  has  to  con- 
struct a  small  house  and  do  some  brushing  and  clearing  in 
order  to  grow  vegetables  for  himself  and  a  small  amount  of 
winter  feed  for  his  stock. 

Eighth,  the  back-to-the -lander  has  too  many  fake  ideas 
about  the  amount  of  money  to  be  made  in  farming.  Under 
our  conditions  the  settler  is  putting  money  into  his  land 
and  not  taking  very  much  out  the  first  two  or  three  years, 
unless  he  has  merchantable  timber  that  can  be  worked  up 
into  cordwood  or  bolts,  or  unless  he  locates  in  a  region  hav- 
ing little  timber  to  be  removed,  and  is  able  to  specialize  in 
potatoes.  The  men  who  have  become  wealthy  from  strictly 
farming  operations  are  not  numerous  in  Wisconsin  or  any- 
where else. 

I  should  like  to  call  your  attention  to  the  following  form 
of  certificate  furnished  inquirers  in  communication  with  this 
department: 

The  State  of  Wisconsin 

Department  of  Agriculture 

Immigration  Division 

Directing  Certificate 

To  Whom  It  May  Concern: 

The  bearer 

of is  in  communication  with  this 

department,  and  looking  for  a  farm  home  in 

County,  Wisconsin.  It  is  our  purpose  to  keep  in  touch  with 
him  after  his  removal  to  this  state,  to  note  his  progress,  and 
learn  if  he  is  fully  satisfied  with  the  business  relations  he 
may  have  with  any  person  or  firm  selling  him  land. 

Any  courtesies  extended  him  will  be  appreciated. 

191 


Director  of  Immigration. 
C.  P.  Norgord,  Commissioner. 

22 


LEARNING  OF  LAND  OPPORTUNITIES 

In  a  bulletin  of  information  for  immigrants, 
issued  by  the  Commission  of  Immigration  and 
Housing  of  California,  1920,  the  commission 
offers  its  assistance  to  the  seekers  of  land  in  the 
state  of  California,  in  the  following  words: 

Immigrants  who  are  thinking  of  buying  farm  lands  should 
call  upon  or  write  to  the  office  of  the  Commission  of  Immi- 
gration and  Housing  for  free  information  and  advice. 

(a)  The  commission  co-operating  with  the  Agricultural 
Department  of  the  State  University  will  furnish  without 
charge  general  information  regarding  agricultural  lands; 
and 

(b)  It  will  make  an  investigation  and  free  report  to  any 
immigrant  concerning  any  particular  tract  of  land  which 
he  may  have  visited,  and  which  he  contemplates  buying. 
This  report  will  cover  the  agricultural  possibilities  of  the 
land  and  its  accessibility  to  markets.  If  the  immigrant 
states  his  previous  experience,  his  financial  condition,  and 
gives  other  information  which  may  be  requested  by  the 
commission,  the  report  will  also  give  advice  as  to  the  wis- 
dom of  buying  the  proposed  land. 

No  purchase  or  contract  to  purchase  land  should  be  made 
or  entered  into  until  the  immigrant  knows  the  nature  of  the 
land,  its  true  money  value,  and  that  the  land  belongs  to  the 
one  who  proposes  to  sell  it. 

This  is  the  kind  of  public  assistance  which  the 
land  seekers,  especially  the  immigrants,  most 
urgently  need,  and  to  which  they  are  entitled. 
The  only  questions  are,  will  the  other  states 
follow,  and  how  can  the  opportunity  of  such  re- 
liable public  assistance  be  made  known  to  the 
land-seeking  masses? 


Ill 

EXPERIENCES   IN   ACQUIRING   LAND 

The  experiences  of  the  Russian  sectarian  peas- 
ants in  America  in  their  attempts  to  settle  on 
land  are  illuminating  in  regard  to  existing  condi- 
tions of  land  dealing  and  colonization  as  they 
affect  the  immigrant.  There  are  in  the  Western 
states  about  a  thousand  families  (or  six  thousand 
individuals)  of  Russian  peasant  sectarians — 
Molokans,  Holy  Jumpers,  Wet  and  Dry  Bap- 
tists, and  others.  They  were  all  engaged  in 
agriculture  while  they  lived  in  Russia.  As  a  re- 
sult of  persecution  by  the  Russian  monarchy 
they  left  their  country  and  came  to  America 
about  ten  years  ago. 

RUSSIAN   SECTARIAN   PEASANTS   IN   THE   WEST 

From  the  beginning  of  their  American  adventure 
they  have  had  a  keen  desire  to  settle  on  land. 
They  have  made  repeated  attempts  to  acquire 
farms,  but  so  far  failure  has  been  the  rule,  with 
few  exceptions. 

The  facts  regarding  most  of  the  unsuccessful 

24 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

attempts  outlined  below  were  obtained  at  a 
meeting  of  Russian  sectarians  in  Los  Angeles 
attended  by  about  one  hundred  family  heads. 
Each  one  told  his  own  experience.  The  men  had 
great  difficulty  in  indicating  American  names — 
the  names  of  companies,  counties,  etc. — so  that 
in  the  following  account  names  are  omitted. 
When  questioned  as  to  how  they  could  secure  so 
much  money,  they  explained  that  they  all  work 
whenever  it  is  possible  to  find  work,  that  they 
live  moderately,  that  their  men  and  women 
dress  cheaply,  that  they  do  not  drink  or  smoke  or 
go  to  any  places  of  amusement,  as  all  that  is  pro- 
hibited by  their  religion,  and  that  they  save. 
They  stated  that  their  land-seeking  attempts  are 
backed  financially  by  the  entire  colony;  the 
losses  are  shared  by  all  its  members,  although 
the  individual  families  who  are  on  the  firing  line 
lose  more  than  the  families  who  remain  in  Los 
Angeles  and  back  these  scouting  parties. 

These  peasants  believe  that  their  difficulty  in 
finding  and  settling  on  land  has  been  due  to 
several  causes.  First,  they  have  not  enough 
money  to  buy  immediately  a  large  tract  of  land, 
irrigate  and  improve  it,  and  give  the  families  a 
good  start.  Second,  they  do  not  know  the 
country  and  conditions  well  enough,  especially 
the  agricultural  possibilities.  Third,  the  private 
land  dealers  are  mostly  crooks  who  cheat  them, 
either  by  misrepresenting  the  quality  of  the  land, 

25 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

or  by  not  fulfilling  their  contract  promises,  or  by 
making  contracts  so  complicated  and  so  filled 
with  catches  that  they  afterward  prove  the  ruin 
of  the  settler.  The  following  are  some  of  the 
most  important  of  the  attempts  to  find  land. 

From  thirty  to  thirty-three  families  made  a 

land-purchase  contract  with  a  company  of 

County,  Washington.  One  hundred  and  sixty 
acres  were  sold  to  each  family,  at  a  price  of  from 
$40  to  $50  an  acre.  Each  family  pays  down 
$400  and  should  pay  to  the  company  60  per  cent 
a  year  of  the  first,  second,  and  third  years'  crops, 
it  being  understood  that  the  remaining  40  per 
cent  would  remain  in  the  hands  of  the  settler 
for  the  support  of  his  family.  But  during  the 
first  year  it  developed  that  the  company  took 
out  of  that  40  per  cent  the  interest  on  the  mort- 
gages and  the  taxes  on  the  land,  so  that  very 
little  was  left  for  the  cultivator.  The  next  year 
the  settlers  left  the  land,  worked  on  neighboring 
farms  for  another  year,  and  then  returned  to 
Los  Angeles.  Some  families  had  lost  $400,  some 
$700 — practically  all  the  money  they  had  saved 
or  borrowed. 

Again,  fifteen  families  made  a  contract  with  a 
company  near  Fresno,  California.  Forty  acres 
were  sold  to  each  family  at  $115  per  acre,  with 
the  privilege  of  water  for  irrigation  on  the  stipu- 
lation that  the  company  would  receive  half  of 
the  market  value  of  the  crops.     The  company 

26 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

promised  to  lend  seeds  and  implements.  Several 
of  the  families  had  come  from  Mexico  to  escape 
revolutionary  disturbances  there,  bringing  imple- 
ments, horses,  cattle,  etc.  When  they  arrived 
they  had  to  borrow  seeds  and  provisions  for  the 
support  of  the  families.  The  company  furnished 
these  on  a  chattel  mortgage  at  7  per  cent.  But 
the  company  was  not  able  to  provide  irrigating 
water,  so  the  settlers,  after  two  years  of  fruitless 
effort,  had  to  leave  the  land,  losing  all  their 
mortgaged  personal  property.  Some  families 
lost  $700  in  cash,  some  lost  $1,000,  and  some 
even  more. 

Later,  twenty  families  made  a  contract  with  a 
land  company  for  the  purchase  of  farms  varying 
in  size  from  twenty  to  forty  acres,  at  a  price  of 
$120  per  acre.  To  be  cautious,  the  peasants  sent 
out  only  seven  families.  The  company  promised 
to  provide  either  a  tractor  or  horses,  implements, 
seeds,  and  water,  and  was  to  receive  one  fourth 
of  the  crops.  But  it  turned  out  that  the  company 
was  not  able  to  furnish  water.  During  two  years 
the  settlers  tried  to  make  good,  but  did  not  suc- 
ceed, the  lack  of  water  being  the  main  cause  of 
failure.  One  family  lost  $700,  another  $820,  and 
the  others  lost  about  the  same  amount  each. 

Another  group  of  twenty  families  made  a  con- 
tract with  a  company  in  the  same  neighborhood. 
Fifty  acres  were  sold  to  each  family  at  $120  per 
acre.      The    company    agreed    to    provide    two 

27 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

horses  for  each  family  and  all  necessary  imple- 
ments, and  for  its  part  was  to  receive  half  of  all 
the  crops.  It  also  promised  to  give  water.  But 
when  the  time  came  the  company  supplied  only 
thirty  horses  instead  of  forty,  and  only  three 
plows  for  the  whole  colony;  it  also  failed  to  fur- 
nish water.  The  land  was  good,  but  without 
water  it  was  of  no  use.  The  settlers  battled  for 
two  years  and  then  left  the  land.  Each  lost  from 
$500  to  $1,000. 

About  two  years  ago  a  farmer  owning  lands  in 
the  San  Joaquin  Valley  got  in  touch  with  Russian 
peasants  in  Los  Angeles.  Lie  agreed  to  sell  these 
people  land,  with  houses,  stock,  etc.,  at  what 
seemed  a  nominal  first  payment — $200.  It 
looked  like  a  wonderful  opportunity  to  the 
simple  peasants,  who,  by  their  industry,  had 
saved  up  two  or  three  hundred  dollars  or  more. 
About  120  families  were  induced  to  make  the 
first  deposit  ($10  or  $20).  Then  Prof.  W.  T. 
Clarke  of  the  agricultural  extension  service  of 
the  University  of  California  was  asked  by  the 
Immigration  Commission  to  visit  this  tract  and 
report  on  it.  He  found  that  it  was  the  poorest 
kind  of  alkali  land — land  that  a  grasshopper 
would  starve  on.  The  farmer  who  was  selling 
the  land  raised  strenuous  objections  to  the  inves- 
tigation and  the  resulting  report,  but  the  com- 
mission succeeded  in  shutting  off  the  entire  deal, 
except  in  the  cases  of  four  or  five  peasants  who 

28 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

insisted  on  taking  the  farms  and  who  are  now 
making  a  failure  of  it. 

On  an  attempt  of  the  peasants  to  settle  in 
Utah,  twenty  families  contracted  to  buy  farms 
at  $100  per  acre,  130  acres  to  a  family.  One 
fourth  of  the  crops  were  to  be  paid  to  the  com- 
pany, which  promised  to  provide  water;  but  the 
company  failed  to  find  water  and  all  the  settlers 
and  the  company  itself  went  to  pieces.  The 
settlers'  losses  were  very  heavy,  some  losing 
$1,000,  some  $2,000.  They  were  again  compelled 
to  return  to  Los  Angeles. 

In  1907  certain  agents  of  a  German  sugar 
company  in  Honolulu  appeared  and  promised  to 
sell  the  peasants  good  land  in  Honolulu.  Thirty 
families  made  contracts  to  buy  farms  of  forty 
acres,  with  the  stipulation  that  they  would  pay 
the  price  gradually  out  of  their  income  from  the 
farms.  When  the  families  arrived  in  Honolulu 
there  was  no  land  for  them.  The  company  ex- 
plained that  they  had  been  merely  hired  for  work 
on  its  plantation.  Under  the  conditions  of  labor 
there  they  were  half  slaves  and  the  life  became 
unendurable.  After  six  months  of  trial  and 
hardship  they  returned  to  Los  Angeles,  each 
family  having  lost  from  $600  to  $700. 

In  another  instance  seven  families  bought 
farms  at  Elmira,  California,  varying  in  size 
from  twenty  to  seventy  acres.  The  price  was 
$117  an  acre,  and  they  paid  down  $10  an  acre, 

29 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

the  balance  being  covered  by  a  mortgage  at  6 
per  cent.  This  land  is  rather  poor,  but  the 
settlers  have  stayed  on. 


THE  SUCCESSFUL  COLONY  AT  GLENDALE 

Aside  from  a  few  families  who  have  succeeded 
in  settling  on  land  here  and  there  through  the 
Western  states  and  who  are  making  ends  meet, 
there  is  only  one  group  of  these  peasants  which 
has  succeeded  in  establishing  a  well-to-do  colony; 
that  colony  is  at  Glendale,  Arizona,  below  the 
Roosevelt  Dam. 

The  first  colonists  arrived  in  Glendale  seven 
years  ago  from  Los  Angeles,  while  others  came 
later  from  San  Francisco  and  from  Mexico.  The 
development  of  the  colony  has  been  steady. 
There  are  four  groups  of  colonists  located  a  few 
miles  from  one  another,  but  they  communicate 
freely  and  consider  themselves  one  colony. 
There  are  at  present  about  seven  hundred  persons 
in  the  colony,  with  an  average  of  five  or  six 
children  in  each  family.  The  settlers  paid  down 
little  money  at  the  beginning.  Some  families 
did  not  pay  anything;  some  paid  $100,  some 
$500,  and  a  few  paid  $1,000.  The  price  of  the 
land  was  originally  $125  per  acre,  but  it  has  now 
doubled.  Almost  all  the  land  is  under  cultiva- 
tion. The  men  have  acquired  the  necessary 
machinery,  stock,  plants,  and  seeds;    they  have 

30 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

plenty  to  eat,  and  a  large  number  of  families 
have  Ford  automobiles,  while  a  few  are  con- 
sidering the  purchase  of  higher-priced  cars. 

The  success  of  the  peasants  in  Glendale  is  to 
be  explained  by  the  fertility  of  the  new  desert 
land,  the  adequate  irrigation  provided  by  the 
Roosevelt  Dam  system,  reasonable  conditions 
of  land  purchase,  the  capacity  of  the  men  for 
hard  labor,  and  their  love  of  the  land.  The 
main  money  crop  is  cotton  of  the  highest  grade 
and  of  exceptionally  heavy  yield.  There  is  no 
difficulty  in  marketing  farm  products,  for  the 
colony  is  within  a  few  miles  of  Phcenix. 

OTHER   CALIFORNIA   CASES 

The  report  of  the  Commission  on  Land  Coloniza- 
tion and  Rural  Credits  of  the  state  of  California 
presents  some  interesting  cases.1 

A  tract  of  wheat  land  was  bought  at  $7  per 
acre.  The  buyer  organized  a  syndicate  composed 
of  himself  and  his  stenographer  and  sold  the  land 
to  the  syndicate  at  $100  per  acre.  The  syndicate 
sold  the  land  at  $200  per  acre.  No  settler  was 
able  to  earn  either  the  purchase  price  or  the 
interest  on  it  out  of  the  soil. 

Another  colonization  company  bought  150,000 
acres  at  an  average  of  less  than  $40  per  acre. 

1  California  Commission  on  Land  Colonization  and  Rural  Credits, 
1916,  pp.  50-53. 

31 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  average  selling  price  at  the  start  was  $75 
per  acre,  but  was  soon  increased  to  $175  per  acre. 
The  agent's  commission  on  the  higher  price  was 
30  per  cent — i.e.,  considerably  more  than  the 
cost  of  the  land. 

In  another  case  an  agent  made  a  contract  for 
selling  a  tract  of  land  at  20  per  cent  of  the 
selling  price,  which  he  was  free  to  fix  himself. 
He  raised  the  price  from  $150  to  $400  per  acre, 
so  that  he  received  commissions  of  $80  per  acre 
instead  of  $30.  As  the  terms  were  one  fifth  cash, 
the  balance  in  four  yearly  installments,  the 
agent  induced  the  settlers  to  buy  as  much  land 
as  would  absorb  all  their  capital  for  the  first 
payments,  and  then  he  pocketed  as  his  commis- 
sion the  total  amount  paid  down.  When  the 
tract  was  all  sold,  the  owner  held  the  contracts 
of  the  moneyless  settlers,  the  latter  had  the  use 
of  the  land,  and  the  agent  had  the  coin. 

Some  colonization  companies,  in  searching  for 
a  tract  of  land,  have  regarded  price  as  the  only 
consideration,  saying  that  any  land  that  could 
be  bought  for  $25  an  acre  could  be  colonized. 
Only  hardpan  and  alkali  land  could  be  bought  in 
California  at  that  price.  Nevertheless,  one  com- 
pany bought  such  an  area,  subdivided  it,  and 
traded  it  for  houses  and  lots  in  Los  Angeles. 
Some  time  later  only  three  of  the  purchasers 
were  found  to  be  still  in  the  colony,  and  probably 
not  one  of  them  intended  to  remain. 

32 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

In  one  district  a  tract  of  "goose"  land,  after 
selling  for  $5  and  then  $15  an  acre,  was  sub- 
divided and  sold  as  garden  soil  for  $125  an  acre. 
Three  brothers  who  were  market  gardeners 
bought  farms  and  settled  there  with  their 
families.  They  found  the  soil,  when  wet,  to  be  a 
quagmire  and  when  dry  to  be  possible  of  cultiva- 
tion only  with  dynamite.  After  three  years  of 
utter  failure  they  were  forced  to  abandon  their 
homes,  having  lost  their  money,  time,  and  labor, 
and  having  reaped  a  bitter  feeling  of  injustice 
and  wrong. 

It  appears  from  the  report  that  a  certain  class 
of  land  speculators,  when  buying  land  for  reselling 
in  plots,  do  not  pay  so  much  attention  to  the 
qualities  of  the  land  as  to  its  advertising  pos- 
sibilities. If  land  in  a  widely  known  valley  is 
alkali  land,  so  much  the  better,  for  the  buying 
price  is  lower.  The  speculator  in  his  advertise- 
ment makes  it  appear  as  fruit  land  with  a  great 
future.  It  seems  also  to  have  been  by  no  means 
uncommon  for  the  agent's  commission  to  be 
higher  than  the  price  paid  by  the  owner  for  the 
land. 

AN   OKLAHOMA   SETTLEMENT 

On  February  12,  1919,  in  Cincinnati,  Ohio, 
sixteen  land  swindlers  of  the  McAlester  Real 
Estate  Exchange,  of  McAlester,  Oklahoma,  were 
found  guilty  by  a  jury  in  Federal  court.     The 

33 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

company's  land-advertisement  literature  was  so 
worded  as  to  convey  the  impression  that  the 
McAlester  company  was  acting  as  an  agent  of 
the  government  in  the  sale  of  Indian  lands.  The 
prosecution  was  largely  centered  on  the  distri- 
bution among  the  customers  of  a  tract  of  41,000 
acres  in  Oklahoma.  It  was  charged  that  the 
president  of  the  company  secured  an  option  on 
these  lands  when  he  found  that  he  was  unable  to 
buy  sufficient  land  at  the  government  sale  of 
Indian  lands  to  fill  his  contracts. 

It  was  also  charged  that  the  company  per- 
petrated a  fraud  on  its  customers  when  it  took 
$135  as  a  fee  for  locating  and  purchasing  land, 
agreeing  to  act  as  attorney  and  agent  for  the 
customer,  and  then  sold  the  land  that  it  had 
bought  privately  at  a  profit.  These  contracts 
were,  in  the  opinion  of  the  government,  so 
worded  as  to  convey  the  impression  that  in 
paying  for  the  locating  and  bidding  the  "party 
of  the  second  part"  was  also  making  a  payment 
on  the  land  and  was  encouraged  in  the  belief 
that  his  land  would  be  in  the  midst  of  areas  yield- 
ing oil  and  other  mineral  products  as  well  as 
timber.  Timber-right  frauds  also  were  alleged. 
The  company  had  during  1917  collected  from  its 
victims,  who  lived  in  all  parts  of  the  country, 
nearly  $1,000,000.  It  was  revealed  also  that 
given  plots  of  land  had  been  sold  to  more  than 
one  buyer. 

34 


EXPERIENCES  IN  ACQUIRING  LAND 

The  foregoing  instances  indicate  that  com- 
panies formed  for  the  purpose  of  exploiting  and 
deceiving  land  settlers  have  succeeded.  With  the 
increasing  tide  of  new  immigration,  it  may  be 
possible  to  ensnare  even  more  unwary  persons. 
But  there  have  been  a  sufficient  number  of  ex- 
poses, as  well  as  court  decisions,  to  make  the 
business  of  fraudulent  land  promotion  a  danger- 
ous one.  All  types  of  real-estate  dealers  are 
increasingly  realizing  the  need  for  making  their 
transactions  aboveboard  and  honest.  Steps  to 
this  end  are  being  taken  by  the  better  class  of 
dealer. 


IV 

INDIVIDUAL    LAND    DEALERS 

Except  for  government  land  grants  and  home- 
stead acts,  land  dealing  and  colonization  in  the 
United  States  have,  up  to  very  recent  times, 
been  entirely  in  private  hands.  Land  is  one  of 
the  necessities  of  life;  land  dealing,  consequently, 
is  one  of  the  most  important  features  in  social  and 
economic  relations.  Yet  it  has  been  left  unregu- 
lated, with  the  result  that  land  dealing  is  now 
the  most  chaotic  sort  of  business,  one  which  has 
not  worked  out  its  own  definite  methods,  rules, 
and  traditions,  as  banking  and  other  branches  of 
commerce  and  business  have  done.  It  may  even 
be  said  that  people  who  deal  in  land  have  fallen, 
in  the  eyes  of  the  public,  into  the  ranks  of  those 
open  to  suspicion. 

In  the  field  investigation  for  this  study,  land 
dealing  was  considered  to  be  an  important  phase 
of  the  problem  of  Americanization  in  rural  dis- 
tricts. Based  upon  the  experiences  and  facts 
collected,  the  picture  may  be  drawn  as  follows: 

According  to  their  methods,  private  land 
dealers  may  be  classified  as  follows: 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

(1)  Land  "sharks,"  divided  between  those  acting  outside 
the  law  and  those  acting  within  the  law;  (2)  the  ordinary 
real-estate  dealer — of  two  types — the  lower,  selfish,  narrow- 
minded,  the  higher,  public- spirited;  (3)  "realtors";  (4) 
land -colonizing  companies. 

LAND   SHARKS 

Land  sharks  are  of  two  distinct  varieties.  One 
type  is  composed  of  men  of  a  criminal  character. 
The  words  "lawful"  and  "unlawful"  have  no 
meaning  for  them.  They  often  sell  land  as  their 
own  which  they  do  not  own,  or  sell  land  other 
than  they  have  promised  or  even  shown  to  the 
buyer.  Their  only  aim  is  to  cheat  the  latter  out 
of  his  money  and  to  escape  the  penalty  of  the  law. 
These  pirates  injure  both  land  seekers  and  legit- 
imate real-estate  men.  They  hang  about  the 
trains,  railroad  stations,  and  all  points  where  there 
is  a  chance  of  attracting  the  land  seekers.  They 
are  sometimes  able  to  entice  those  who  are  being 
brought  in  by  reputable  land  men.  Often  the  pi- 
rates are  of  the  same  nationality  as  the  immigrants 
and  by  clever  emphasis  on  this  common  bond  and 
by  skillful  manipulation  of  truth  and  lies  they 
steal  the  men  away  to  look  at  land  which  they  call 
their  own.  The  land  pirates  do  not  advertise,  but 
live  on  the  advertising  that  the  reputable  land 
men  do.  As  a  result  the  latter  curtail  their  adver- 
tising and  do  a  comparatively  small  amount  of  it, 
since  they  are  prevented  from  realizing  the  full 
profits  due  on  the  investment.    This  is  a  situa- 

37 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

tion  that  forces  the  land  men  to  realize  the  need 
of  a  licensed  real-estate  profession. 

The  president  of  a  land  company  in  Wisconsin 
gives  this  description  of  the  operations  of  the 
land  sharks  and  of  the  effects  of  their  activity: 

Relative  to  the  land  pirates,  it  is  hard  to  estimate  how 
much  land  they  sell,  but  we  find  that  for  every  customer  they 
do  sell  to  they  queer  deals  for  this  country  of  from  ten  to 
twenty-four  which  the  other  land  men  might  have  landed. 
...  I  estimate  that  within  the  last  two  years  the  city  of 

has    lost    from    fifty    to    one   hundred    customers 

for  land  through  these  pirates,  who  infest  the  depot  and 
meet  all  trains.  .  .  .  Their  first  act  is  to  find  that  the  man  is 
looking  for  land  and  to  find  out  whom  he  is  expecting  to 
see,  for  they  usually  come  up  with  some  definite  proposition 
to  look  over.  The  pirate  then  proceeds  to  throw  cold  water 
on  the  locality  that  he  is  to  look  over,  and  very  often  chal- 
lenges the  integrity  of  the  party  whom  he  is  going  to  see. 
He  does  this  preparatory  to  starting  in  to  taking  the  man 
off  and  showing  him  something  of  his  own.  Frequently 
these  men  do  not  own  a  foot  of  land,  but  have  a  few  pieces 
for  sale  on  commission.  They  are  usually  irresponsible  men 
and  often  put  through  some  rocky  deals,  and  it  is  through 
them  more  than  anything  else  that  the  real-estate  men  have 
often  got  very  bad  names  for  the  way  they  have  handled 
customers  who  come  up  to  buy  land.  When  the  customer's 
mind  has  been  poisoned  against  the  party  whom  he  was 
coming  to  see,  and  against  the  particular  piece  of  land  or 
locality  where  he  had  formerly  planned  to  buy,  he  is  often 
ready  to  quit  and  go  back,  and  it  is  very  hard  for  anyone 
thereafter  to  deal  with  him,  because  his  confidence  has  been 
shaken  in  the  people  and  the  country. 

The  other  type  of  land  shark  is  composed  of 
men  who  act  within  the  law,  but,  for  their  own 
gain,   apply   methods   which   are   mildly   called 

38 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

"sharp"  or  "unethical."  They  either  misrepre- 
sent the  qualities  of  the  land  they  offer,  or 
charge  a  higher  price  than  the  land  is  worth,  or 
make  in  the  contract  such  stipulations  as  will 
afterward  ruin  the  settler.  They  profit  by  the 
settlers'  failures,  for  each  settler  adds  something 
to  the  improvement  of  the  land  before  the  con- 
ditions of  the  land-purchase  contract  which  he  is 
unable  to  meet  compel  him  to  leave  the  land. 
The  land  shark  sells  the  land  to  a  new  settler  for  a 
still  higher  price,  capitalizing  the  improvements 
made  by  the  former  settler.  With  the  new  settler 
the  process  is  repeated,  and  so  it  goes,  like  an 
endless  chain.  It  is  similar  to  the  method  of  split- 
ting fees  practiced  by  private  employment  offices 
and  foremen  who  keep  men  coming  and  going. 

There  are  no  data  collected  to  show  the  actual 
extent  of  the  activities  of  the  land  sharks,  but, 
judging  by  the  stories  told  by  the  immigrants,  by 
records  of  court  proceedings,  by  suspicious  land 
advertisements  in  newspapers,  especially  in  the 
smaller,  less  reliable  foreign-language  papers,  and 
by  the  number  of  cases  brought  to  the  attention 
of  the  state  immigration  commissioners,  it  is 
safe  to  state  that  the  immigrants  suffer  very 
greatly  from  the  land-shark  evil. 

LOWER   TYPE   OF   LAND   DEALER 

One  group  of  the  ordinary  type  of  land  dealer 
might  be  characterized  as  being  composed  of 

39 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

narrow-minded,  hard,  and  even  heartless  business 
men,  working  solely  for  their  own  interests. 
Their  business  consists  merely  in  buying  and 
selling  land  as  rapidly  as  possible.  In  making 
prices  for  land  and  in  making  contract  stipula- 
tions with  the  buyers,  they  do  not  "monkey," 
as  some  of  them  say.  As  a  rule  they  do  not 
charge  a  higher  price  than  the  land  is  worth — 
that  is,  not  higher  than  the  prevailing  market 
price  in  a  particular  locality.  They  also  avoid 
unreasonable  or  impossible  contract  stipulations. 
When  land  is  sold,  when  the  contract  has  been 
signed  by  both  sides,  then  their  care  and  interest 
in  regard  to  the  land  and  its  owner  end.  If  the 
buyer  later  fails  to  meet  the  contract  stipulations 
in  any  particular  the  land  dealer  sees  to  it  that 
he  leaves  the  land  at  once.  The  dealer  then 
advertises  and  sells  the  land  again.  Usually,  no 
compensation  for  improvements  made  by  the 
settler,  in  case  of  his  failure,  is  stipulated  in  the 
contract.  If  there  is  any  gain  to  the  land  dealer 
from  the  failure  of  a  settler,  the  dealer  often 
claims  that  such  gain  is  more  than  offset  by 
heavy  expenses,  such  as  for  advertising,  agents' 
commissions,  and  the  like,  in  finding  a  new  buyer. 
The  land  dealer  gives  little  or  no  consideration 
to  the  causes  of  the  failure  of  the  settler.  Ac- 
cording to  the  observation  of  the  writer,  a  large 
number  of  failures  in  settling  on  land  are  not 
due  to  the  personal  defects  or  weakness  of  the 

40 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

settlers,  but  are  due  to  external  causes,  such  as 
lack  of  capital  and  credit,  lack  of  market,  poor 
roads,  etc.  The  settlers  who  have  failed  owing 
to  such  causes  might  be  criticized  for  their  poor 
judgment  in  selecting  the  land,  but  the  land  dealers 
might  equally  be  criticized  for  not  warning  the 
settlers  of  the  difficulties  before  they  buy  the  land. 
The  land  dealers  ought  to  know  the  market 
facilities,  the  extent  of  capital  and  credit  required 
for  success  on  a  particular  piece  of  land  and  in  a 
particular  locality.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  dealers 
of  the  type  under  discussion  do  not  warn  the 
settlers.  They  give  advice  of  an  optimistic 
character  and  they  apply  to  the  settler  the  Dar- 
winian theory  of  survival  of  the  fittest.  A 
number  of  these  land  dealers  said  to  the  writer: 

Well,  it  is  up  to  the  settler  himself,  either  to  succeed  or  to 
fail.  If  he  fails,  he  has  himself  alone  to  blame,  and  he  must 
give  place  to  the  settler  who  is  able  to  succeed.  There  is 
no  room  for  weaklings  on  my  land  or  anywhere  else  in  this 
world. 

The  results  which  follow  in  the  wake  of  such 
land-settlement  policies  are  described  in  the 
following  extract  from  the  letter  of  a  county 
agent.  He  writes  from  a  locality  where  many  of 
the  settlers  are  immigrants: 

In  some  parts  of  this  country  .  .  .  the  statistics  show  that 
there  is  a  complete  change  in  the  farmers  every  seven  years. 
That  means  that  several  farmers  are  coming  and  going  all 
the  time.  Several  farmers  are  paying  out  taxes  and  interest 
on  something  they  will  never  own.  ...  As  to  the  land  com- 

41 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

panies  doing  things  for  the  settler,  in  the  most  part  they 
take  care  of  the  new  man  for  a  time,  but  I  notice  that  they 
close  them  out,  too,  if  taxes  and  interest  are  not  kept  up 
pretty  well. 

A  similar  condition  is  described  in  the  letter 
below  from  a  county  agent  in  the  same  state: 

The  land  companies  in  this  county  are  not  putting  forth 
any  special  effort  to  make  it  easier  for  the  new  settlers  to 
succeed.  As  far  as  I  know,  all  the  land  companies  in  this 
county  are  reliable.  They  live  up  to  their  agreements  with 
the  settlers.  However,  I  can  also  vouch  for  the  statement 
that  many  of  our  farms,  with  very  little  clearing,  are  con- 
tinuously changing  hands. 

The  importance  of  advice  and  warning  from 
the  land  company  to  the  settler,  and  the  deplor- 
able inf requency  with  which  it  is  given,  are  spoken 
of  in  this  statement  by  a  county  agent: 

So  far  the  .  .  .  settler's  only  means  of  protection  has  been 
the  county  agent.  From  the  county  agent  the  settler  gets 
the  true  condition  of  the  land,  climate,  and  possibilities  in 
general,  of  the  particular  region  into  which  he  is  going. 
Too  often,  though,  the  settler  is  met  at  the  train  by  the  real- 
estate  agent,  and  this  agent  does  not  let  his  prospective 
buyer  get  in  touch  with  anyone  else  until  after  he  has  been 
sold  a  piece  of  land.  After  the  settler  has  bought  his  land 
the  real-estate  man  thinks  that  his  connection  with  him 
has  ceased,  and  he  is  no  longer  interested  in  him  other  than 
to  see  that  the  promised  payments  are  paid  when  due. 


THE   PUBLIC-SPIRITED   LAND   DEALER 

The  second  group  of  the  ordinary  type  of  land 
dealer,  though  not  so  large  as  the  first  group, 
consists  of  men  who  have  a  broader  outlook  upon 

42 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

their  business  and  work.  While  they  also  are 
after  personal  profit,  they  understand  that  they 
are  rendering,  in  return  for  their  profit,  a  service 
not  only  to  the  land  buyer,  but  also  to  the  public. 
Accordingly,  they  are  considerate  of  the  settler, 
try  to  make  him  successful,  and,  having  the  social 
point  of  view,  they  promote  education,  welfare 
work,  and  other  community  interests  among  the 
settlers. 

The  writer  has  met  a  number  of  such  broad- 
minded  and  public-spirited  land  dealers.  Some 
of  them  were  so  modest  as  to  deny  that  they 
were  interested  in  or  were  keeping  in  mind  any 
public  or  social  end  in  their  business. 

Well,  I  am  after  profit,  nothing  more.  By  helping  the 
settler  to  make  a  success  through  extension  of  credit  to  him, 
through  demonstrations,  through  finding  a  market  for  his 
products,  and  through  organizing  community  work,  I  am 
only  advertising  my  land  and  attracting  new  settlers. 
That  is,  I  am  applying  a  little  bit  of  Henry  Ford's  methods 
to  the  land-settlement  business,  that's  all! 

This  explanation  was  given  by  a  large  land 
dealer  in  one  of  the  Middle  Western  states. 
Further  conversation  with  him  showed  that  he 
took  great  pride  in  the  fact  that  the  settlers  on 
his  land  esteemed  him  highly  and  had  confidence 
in  him. 

It  is  land  men  of  this  type  that  a  county  agent 
from  the  North  Middle  West  speaks  of  in  these 
words  : 

43 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  land  men  in  this  county  all  believe  that  it  is  to  their 
own  interests  to  have  every  settler  a  satisfied  settler.  They 
are  getting  away  from  the  idea  that  they  are  done  with  the 
settler  as  soon  as  they  sell  him  a  piece  of  land.  They  now 
believe  that  they  are  just  starting  their  relations  with  the 
settler  when  he  buys  from  them. 

Another  county  agent  writes  that  he  believes 
that 

the  real-estate  men  are  beginning  to  try  to  see  that  the  set- 
tlers to  whom  they  sell  land  make  good.  They  are  doing 
this  by  being  lenient  with  their  conditions  and  by  picking 
only  the  better  types  of  land  for  settlement. 

One  of  the  real-estate  men  who  have  this  more 
public-spirited  view  of  their  work  describes  his 
relations  with  the  settlers  as  follows: 

I  try  to  assist  the  settler  by  giving  him  all  the  moral  sup- 
port and  encouragement  possible,  by  keeping  friendly  with 
him  so  he  feels  free  to  come  to  me  with  his  every  problem. 
I  stand  ready  to  finance  any  deserving  settler  for  the  full 
purchase  price  of  good  milk  cows,  or  to  buy  a  pig  or  two, 
or  for  any  other  thing  that  is  sure  to  help  him  over  the  hill. 
Especially,  I  go  among  them  organizing  farm  loan  asso- 
ciations and  community-center  gatherings,  thereby  bring- 
ing the  whole  family  the  general  social  opportunities  that 
every  normal  family  craves  and  has  the  right  to  expect. 

A  real-estate  company  with  offices  in  Chicago 
states  that  it  assists  the  individual  settler  in 
many  ways: 

1.  We  sell  him  horses  and  cows  on  liberal  terms. 

2.  We  help  him  buy  on  credit  building  materials  and 
other  necessaries,  such  as  feed  for  his  stock,  small  tools,  etc. 
We  O.K.  many  small  bills. 

44 


> 


•-" 


FRIENDLY    ASSISTANCE   MAKES   PIONEERING   LESS   BAFFLING 


m 

j£ 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

3.  We  many  times  indorse  settlers'  notes  at  banks  in 
order  to  help  them  get  credit,  and  thus  get  the  money  with 
which  to  make  progress. 

4.  Our  organization  keeps  in  touch  with  parties  to  whom 
we  have  sold.  Our  men  see  them  occasionally  and  give 
them  advice.  Often  we  are  able  to  be  of  material  assistance 
in  helping  them  to  buy  the  right  stock  at  the  right  prices. 

5.  We  keep  hammering  away  at  the  importance  of  their 
keeping  in  touch  with  the  county  adviser  and  getting  the 
free  literature  that  is  sent  out  by  the  state  and  Federal 
authorities. 

6.  We  try  to  be  of  aid  in  everything  which  promotes  the 
general  social  and  economic  welfare  of  the  community.  For 
example: 

a.  Our  Mr. was  chairman  of  the  Liberty  Loan  Com- 
mittee in County. 

b.  Any  proposition  for  new  roads,  new  schools,  or  new 
churches  gets  our  hearty  and  immediate  support. 

c.  In  all  cases  where  we  have  been  asked  to  donate  an 
acre  or  half  acre  for  church  purposes,  we  have  done 
so. 

d.  We  have  been  instrumental  in  helping  a  number  of 
incipient  business  men  to  start  cheese  factories. 


"realtors" 

Certain  phases  of  the  real-estate  business  requir- 
ing concerted  action,  and  especially  the  desire 
of  the  higher  type  of  land  dealers  to  put  their 
trade  or  profession  on  a  higher  level,  and  thus 
to  prevent  it  from  falling  into  disrepute  in  the 
public  eye,  have  led  the  better  type  of  real- 
estate  men  to  organize  themselves  into  local 
real-estate  boards  with  an  associate  member- 
ship of  leading  local  merchants,  bankers,  lawyers, 

45 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

and  others  particularly  interested  in  real-estate 
developments.  The  "realtors"  prefer  to  speak 
of  their  trade  as  a  "profession"  or  "calling," 
not  a  business  or  trade,  for  they  claim  that  an 
up-to-date  real-estate  dealer  is  a  community 
builder  and  leader  whose  preparation  requires  a 
good  general  education  and  a  special  training, 
pointing  out  that  a  number  of  the  best  colleges 
in  the  country  are  giving  courses  in  the  real- 
estate  business. 

Nineteen  local  boards  from  thirteen  states 
formed  a  national  association  in  1908.  At 
present  the  association  comprises  130  local 
boards  in  this  country  and  Canada,  with  a  total 
membership  of  about  8,500  persons. 

The  aims  of  the  National  Association  of  Real 
Estate  Boards  are  to  promote  efficiency  among 
its  members,  to  be  a  clearing  house  for  the  ex- 
change of  information  and  ideas,  to  publish  an 
organ  of  the  association,  to  broaden  the  sphere 
of  influence  of  the  local  real-estate  men,  to 
assist  in  organizing  local  boards,  to  fight  the 
land  "sharks"  and  "curbstone  brokers,"  and  to 
maintain  a  high  standard  of  professional  ethics. 

The  members  of  the  associated  local  boards  call 
themselves  "realtors,"  as  distinct  from  "real- 
estate  men"  or  "land  dealers" — names  which, 
they  feel,  are  tainted  by  the  unscrupulous 
methods  of  the  "sharks." 

The  association  has  published  a  code  of  ethics 

46 


INDIVIDUAL  LAND  DEALERS 

for  its  members,  in  which  paragraph  13  is  es- 
pecially noteworthy.     It  reads: 

As  a  duty  to  the  public  and  each  other,  members  should 
report  to  the  board  misrepresentations  or  any  fraudulent, 
criminal,  or  illegal  act  pertaining  to  real  estate,  which  may 
entrap  and  injure  innocent  or  ignorant  persons;  and  the 
board  owes  it  to  members  and  the  community  to  take  steps 
to  stop  such  practices  and  to  punish  parties  guilty  thereof. 

The  local  boards  often  render  certain  services 
to  the  community.  The  valuation .  committees 
are  often  called  upon  to  give  their  expert  advice 
in  land  matters  even  to  the  courts  and  govern- 
ment administrative  offices. 

But  how  far  the  association  is  successful  in 
combating  the  underhand  business  methods  of 
the  unscrupulous  real-estate  men  is  very  difficult 
to  say.  The  fact  is  this,  that  the  association 
favors  public  registry  and  regulation  of  the  real- 
estate  trade  and  at  present  is  working  toward 
that  end,  supporting  bills  of  this  nature  that  are 
introduced  in  the  state  legislatures.  A  number 
of  the  realtors  are  not  in  favor  of  the  words 
"license"  and  "licensing."  They  prefer  instead 
the  words  "certificate,"  "registry,"  and  "regu- 
lation," believing  that  the  word  "license"  is 
associated  in  the  popular  mind  with  saloon- 
keeping  and  similar  trades  of  a  lower  order. 

The  desire  of  these  men  to  separate  from  ordi- 
nary real-estate  men  by  calling  themselves  "real- 
tors"  and  their  business  a   "profession,"   and 

47 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

their  advocacy  of  public  regulation,  show  that 
the  land  "shark"  is  still  very  much  alive  and 
that  the  real-estate  men  themselves  by  their  own 
private  efforts  are  not  able  successfully  to  combat 
the  "shark." 

In  the  field  of  private  land  dealing  there  is 
appearing  a  substitute  for  the  individual  dealer. 
The  modern  colonization  company  has  recently 
grown  up,  and  out  of  this  new  project  have 
grown  broader  policies  and  methods. 


PRIVATE   LAND   COLONIZATION   COMPANIES 

The  earlier  so-called  city  and  empire  builders 
were  in  most  cases  nothing  more  than  dealers  in 
land.  When  a  lot  or  farm  was  sold,  there  the 
company's  interest  ended.  The  modern  coloniza- 
tion company  goes  much  farther.  When  a  man 
settles  on  land,  the  company  of  the  better  type 
usually  looks  out  for  him,  backs  him  with  credit, 
affords  him  the  service  of  an  expert  agricultural 
adviser,  cares  for  his  health,  and  promotes  his 
social  interests  and  activities  through  a  salaried 
community  worker. 

All  this  is  done  by  the  company  not  only  for 
the  sake  of  the  settler  himself,  but  mainly  for  the 
sake  of  the  business  interests  of  the  company, 
since  the  success  of  the  settlers  on  the  com- 
pany's land  is  the  best  advertisement  of  the  com- 
pany's business.  It  creates  confidence  in  the 
company  among  the  searchers  for  land  and  helps 
to  increase  the  volume  of  business  and  the  profits. 
Such  companies  are  of  rather  recent  origin  and 
as  yet  are  comparatively  few  in  number.  Their 
appearance  means  specialization  in  the  land- 
development  business. 

49 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

In  the  North  Middle  Western  states  the  wilder- 
ness land  has  been  for  the  most  part  owned  by 
the  lumber  companies.  The  lumber  companies 
attempted  to  dispose  of  their  cut-over  and  burnt- 
over  land  in  the  easiest  way  by  selling  to  in- 
dividuals. As  a  rule  this  retail  selling  was  unsuc- 
cessful. They  found  that  it  was  more  profitable 
for  them  to  stick  to  their  lumber  business  and 
sell  their  land  in  large  tracts  to  the  land  deal- 
ers and  to  land-development  and  colonization 
companies. 

In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  note  that 
in  the  wilds  of  our  north  one  may  still  see  the 
following  stages  of  frontier  life  as  they  exist  side 
by  side,  sometimes  overlapping  and  crosscutting 
one  another. 

1.  The  earliest  stage  known  to  American 
civilization  was  that  of  virgin  wilderness  in- 
habited by  animals  and  roamed  over  by  Indians. 
As  remnants  of  that  time  there  are  found  some 
animals,  now  driven  into  the  swamps  and  rocks, 
and  a  few  Indians  settled  on  reservations. 

2.  The  next  stage  was  when  the  white  mis- 
sionaries, traders,  adventurers,  followed  by  pro- 
fessional trappers,  began  penetrating  the  wilder- 
ness. This  white  men's  hunting  stage  is  still 
represented  by  the  present-day  "shackers"  and 
trappers,  though  they  are  mostly  of  an  amateur 
character,  and,  so  to  speak,  domesticated. 

3.  The  following  stage  was  when  lumbermen 

50 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

began  being  heard  throughout  the  forests.  They 
are  still  there,  though  in  considerably  reduced 
numbers.  They  are  hurriedly  attacking  the  re- 
maining woods,  leaving  in  their  wake  a  dreary, 
sorrowful-looking  expanse  of  cut-over  and  burnt- 
over  lands. 

4.  These  cut-over  lands  are  now  invaded  by 
the  land  development  and  colonization  com- 
panies, with  their  armies  of  new  settlers,  attempt- 
ing to  transform  the  last  remnants  of  wilderness 
into  fertile  gardens,  fields,  and  meadows.  This 
is  the  last  decisive  war  of  man  upon  the  wilder- 
ness— a  picturesque  and  difficult  struggle.  A 
settler  gives  this  vivid  description,  printed  in  the 
Radisson,  Wisconsin,  Courier: 

Everywhere  we  go  we  see  men,  women,  and  children  cut- 
ting and  piling  the  brush  and  logs  that  have  covered  the 
ground  since  the  days  of  the  logger.  Everyone  seems  to  be 
trying  to  clear  more  land  than  his  neighbor,  and  get  it  ready 
to  produce  the  crops  that  are  so  badly  needed  all  over  the 
world,  and  as  we  stop  a  minute  to  take  a  better  view  of  what 
each  one  has  done,  we  hear  the  boom  of  dynamite  that  is 
following  the  brush  lines  as  they  are  being  pushed  back. 

In  the  north  the  land-clearing  line  is  called  the 
firing  line,  a  term  which  can  be  taken  literally, 
for  the  land-clearing  front  is  continually  under 
fire  and  clouds  of  smoke  from  burning  debris. 

5.  The  sturdy  new  settlers,  the  last  pioneers 

and  frontiersmen  in  the  country,  are  followed, 

especially   along  rivers   where    water   power    is 

at  hand,  by  industrial  workers.    Here  and  there 
5  51 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

are  appearing  thriving  manufacturing  and  com- 
mercial towns — the  last  stage  in  the  opening  up 
of  a  new  country  to  civilization. 

But  the  most  important  work  in  the  wilderness 
at  present  is  that  of  the  modern  land  coloniza- 
tion companies.  To  give  an  idea  of  their  work 
and  methods  it  is  necessary  to  describe  one  of 
these  companies  in  detail. 

A   TYPICAL   COMPANY 

The  particular  company  investigated  with  special 
attention  is  located  in  the  wilderness  of  one  of 
the  North  Middle  Western  states.  In  general  the 
company  is  applying  the  same  business  methods 
to  land  colonization  as  Mr.  Ford  is  applying  to 
automobile  production — production  of  new  farms 
on  a  large  scale  so  as  to  diminish  the  overhead 
expense,  and  standardization  of  various  coloniza- 
tion methods.  The  guiding  test  is  the  success  of 
the  new  settlers  on  the  company's  land.  Failures 
among  the  settlers  are  avoided  and  fought 
against  by  the  company  as  though  they  were  a 
dangerous  epidemic.  "Each  failure  among  our 
settlers  is  a  bad  advertisement  for  our  company, 
a  loss  to  us,  and  an  evidence  of  defects  in  our 
business  methods,"  stated  the  company's  head. 
To  insure  the  success  of  the  settlers  and  the 
settlement,  the  company  proceeds  as  follows: 
The  most  careful  study  is  made  of  the  tract  of 

52 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

land  which  the  company  intends  to  acquire  for 
colonization  purposes.  Not  only  is  the  tract  of 
land  closely  looked  over  by  the  company's 
officials,  but  land  experts,  such  as  soil  surveyors, 
are  engaged  to  examine  the  land  from  the  view- 
point of  its  agricultural  possibilities.  Federal 
and  state  surveyors'  reports  are  also  used  in  con- 
sidering the  possibilities  of  the  land. 

When  the  land  has  been  acquired,  a  plan  for  a 
colony  is  worked  out,  with  provision  for  necessary 
roads,  town  sites,  irrigation  or  drainage  systems, 
utilization  of  water  power,  social  centers,  ex- 
perimental farms,  etc.  The  accompanying  map 
shows  the  plan  of  one  such  colony. 

The  tract  is  then  surveyed  and  cut  up  into 
farms  according  to  the  plan  adopted.  A  number 
of  farm  lots  are  selected  by  the  company.  On 
each  of  these  lots  there  is  designated  a  place  for 
the  farm  buildings  and  the  garden.  A  simple, 
inexpensive  house  and  a  barn  are  built  by  the 
company  on  a  small  clearing,  usually  facing  the 
main  road.  At  present  the  company  has  ceased 
to  clear  any  land  for  agricultural  use  for  the 
reason  that  if  there  is  a  piece  of  cleared  land  the 
new  settler  is  apt  to  expend  his  main  efforts  on 
cultivation  of  this  cleared  land,  neglecting  the 
clearing  of  more  land. 

Our  experience  has  shown  that  it  is  much  better  when  a 
new  settler  begins  his  settlement  enterprise  with  clearing. 
He  at  once  acquires  the  needed  experience  in  clearing,  and 

53 


A  STAKE   IN  THE  LAND 

develops  the  confidence  that  he  is  able  to  overcome  the 
difficulties  of  clearing.  As  a  result,  his  ambition  grows  to 
clear  more  land  each  year, 

explained  a  company  official.  This  again  shows 
with  what  fineness  the  company  has  to  adjust  its 
methods  to  the  psychological  peculiarities  of  the 
settlers. 

At  the  same  time  the  company  equips  the  ex- 
perimental farm  and  puts  it  into  operation  under 
the  supervision  of  a  trained  agriculturist.  For 
the  community  work  a  hall  is  provided  and  a 
community  worker  engaged. 

Meanwhile  the  company's  agents  and  adver- 
tisers have  been  busy  in  making  the  land  oppor- 
tunities known  to  people  who  are  intending  to 
settle  on  land.  The  new  settlers  are  of  two 
distinct  types.  One  type  consists  either  of  native 
Americans  or  immigrants  who  have  previously 
been  on  land  in  the  United  States  either  as  land- 
owners or  as  tenants.  The  second  class  consists 
of  immigrants  who  have  been  living  in  the  cities 
and  who  desire  to  settle  on  land.  In  most  cases 
they  have  been  engaged  in  agricultural  work  in 
their  old  countries. 

The  company  itself  takes  into  consideration 
racial  and  national  factors.  In  the  year  of  the 
investigation  the  company  was  doing  its  main 
business  in  the  one  section  with  Polish  immi- 
grants, and  preferred  them  even  to  the  native 
settlers.      The  reason  given  was  that  immigrants, 

54 


4^-^ 


lit  Litter 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

especially  Slavs,  are  easy  to  get  along  with  and 
readily  follow  the  company's  directions  and 
advice.  They  are  hard  workers  and  are  satis- 
fied with  a  small  return  at  the  beginning.  In 
contrast,  the  natives  commonly  pay  little  atten- 
tion to  the  company's  directions  and  advice, 
being  anxious  to  make  a  quick  success.  In  case 
they  do  not  succeed  as  rapidly  as  they  expected, 
they  get  discouraged,  leave  the  place,  and  give 
the  company  a  "black  eye." 

The  land  is  sold  in  plots  of  forty  acres  each, 
either  as  "  made-to-order "  farms  or  without 
farming  improvements — "land  only."  The  pur- 
chaser may  buy  as  many  plots  as  he  desires  and 
is  able  to  pay  for.  However,  the  company 
discourages  the  buying  of  more  land  than  the 
settler  is  able  actually  to  improve  and  cultivate, 
which  usually  is  about  forty  acres. 

The  company  offers  in  its  folder  the  following 
three  land  sale  plans: 

PLAN  NO.  1 

Land  Only,  without  Improvements 

First  payment,  $200  for  each  40  acres.  Total  cost,  $750 
to  $1,000  for  each  40  acres. 

If  you  buy  under  Plan  No.  1  you  pay  for  the  land  only. 
Should  you  want  lumber  or  building  supplies,  we  will  furnish 
them  to  you  at  cost,  and  add  on  to  your  contract.  The  same 
is  true  in  case  you  want  live  stock.  In  other  words,  we  will 
furnish  supplies  equal  to  the  amount  of  the  first  payment. 
Prices  vary  according  to  location  and  quality  of  land. 

55 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

PLAN  NO.  2 

Forty  Acres  of  Land  with  House  and  Live  Stock 

House  14x20  feet,  1  story,         Complete  assortment  of  veg- 
1  cow,  etable  and  flower  seeds, 

1  small  pig,  1   bushel  mixed  clover  and 

4  chickens,  timothy  seed. 

Cash  payment,  $250. 

Total  cost,  $1,100  to  $1,350. 
These  plans  cover  only  40  acres.    If  you  wish  larger  acre- 
age add  to  these  plans  what  land  you  require,  at  $750  to 
$1,000  per  40-acre  unit. 

PLAN  NO.  3 

Forty  Acres  of  Land  with  House,  Barn,  Live  Stock, 

and  Tools 

House  14x20  feet,  \x/i  story,  1   bushel  mixed  clover  and 
Barn  12x14  feet,  timothy  seed, 

1  cow,  1  garden  cultivator, 
4  chickens,  1  crosscut  saw, 

2  small  pigs,  1  ax, 
Complete  assortment  of  veg-  1  brush  scythe, 

etable  and  flower  seeds,  1  mattock. 

Cash  payment,  $400. 
Total  cost,  $1,250  to  $1,500. 
These  plans  cover  only  40  acres.    If  you  wish  larger  acre- 
age add  to  these  plans  what  land  you  require,  at  $750  to 
$1,000  per  40-acre  unit. 

As  experience  has  shown,  a  settler  on  new  land 
which  he  has  to  clear  has  no  opportunity  for  using 
a  horse  to  its  fullest  capacity  during  the  first 
two  years.  Therefore  the  company  does  not 
include  a  horse  in  the  preliminary  equipment  of 
a  "  made-to-order "  farm.     When  a  new  settler 

56 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

needs  horse  power  either  for  plowing  or  hauling 
he  hires  a  horse  from  his  older  neighbors  or  from 
the  company's  demonstration  farm  at  a  reason- 
able price. 

One  of  the  company's  special  efforts  consists 
in  securing  a  market  for  the  settler's  produce. 
With  this  end  in  view,  co-operative  creameries 
are  favored  and  promoted  by  the  company. 

It  is  the  policy  of  the  company  to  encourage 
the  organization  of  local  state  banks  wherever  it 
does  any  colonizing  work,  for  the  company 
realizes  that  the  short-time  credit  needs  of  the 
settlers  must  be  taken  care  of.  It  always  en- 
courages the  local  merchants  and  people  in  the 
near-by  towns  to  take  some  stock  in  the  bank. 
Whatever  stock  is  left  over,  different  members 
connected  with  the  company  usually  take,  upon 
an  understanding  with  the  local  people  that  as 
soon  as  any  of  them  wish  some  of  this  stock  the 
company  will  sell  it  to  them  at  6  per  cent  interest 
on  its  money. 

A  number  of  years  ago  the  company  organized 
a  bank  in  one  of  its  colonies  in  order  that  the 
settlers  might  get  proper  credit.  The  company 
found  it  necessary  to  do  something,  as  heretofore 
the  settlers  had  had  no  opportunity  to  secure 
short-time  credit.  After  the  bank  had  been 
organized  for  three  years  the  people  in  the  colony 
desired  to  take  the  bank  stock,  and  the  men  con- 
nected with  the  colonization  company  sold  all 

57 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

their  stock  with  the  exception  of  one  or  two 
hundred  dollars  each,  which  the  local  people 
desired  that  they  retain,  so  that  out  of  $10,000 
capital  stock  $1,000  is  held  by  men  interested 
in  the  company.  In  another  colony  some  of  the 
local  people  spoke  for  some  stock  and  were 
offered  the  stock  held  by  men  interested  in  the 
colonization  company  at  exactly  what  they  paid 
for  it,  plus  6  per  cent  interest  on  their  money. 
This  has  been  true  in  the  different  sections  where 
the  company  has  promoted  the  organization  of 
a  bank. 

As  the  company's  business  methods  are  based 
upon  the  principle  of  the  settler's  success,  the 
company  is  keeping  in  very  close  touch  with  its 
settlers.  For  each  settler  a  "Progress  Record" 
card  is  filed  in  the  company's  local  office.  The 
following  reproduction  of  the  main  features  of  the 
card  indicates  the  items  that  show  the  economic 
progress  of  the  settler.  Although  it  is  not  pos- 
sible to  have  all  the  items  filled  up  to  date,  a 
beginning  is  always  made.  As  visits  are  made 
to  the  settlers'  farms  by  the  company's  repre- 
sentatives, or  the  settlers  come  to  the  company 
office  for  advice  or  help,  information  is  col- 
lected and  added  to  the  cards.  Eventually  an 
invaluable  record  of  salient  facts  in  regard  to  the 
settler  and  his  progress  is  accumulated  in  this 
way. 


58 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

SETTLER'S  PROGRESS  RECORD 

Name Address 

Description 

Acres 

Sec Tp R 

Sec Tp R 

Sec Tp R 

County State Total  acres 

Soil Distance  from  school miles 

From  town miles.     Name 

Nationality Age Children 

Previous  farming  experience 

Bought acres from 

(year  and  month) 

Moved  on  land  in 191 ....     From 

I  had  in  cash In  stock 

Tools  and  machinery 

Total  net  worth  (when  I  moved  on  land)  $ 

Price  paid  for       .  ,  land,  $ 

unimproved 


Paid  in  cash. 
Balance  due. 


Improvements,  Equipment,  and  Live  Stock  included  in  pur- 
chase price 

Terms  of  contract 

Interest  rate  6  per  cent. 

59 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Record  of  Progress 

1st    2d    3d    Uh   5th    6th   7th   8th 
yr.    yr.    yr.    yr.    yr.    yr.    yr.    yr. 


Built 

Cleared  (plowed) 

Cleared  (stumps  in) . 

Fenced 

No.  of  cows 

No.  of  calves 

No.  of  horses 

No.  of  colts 

No.  of  pigs 

Days  worked  out. . . . 
Owed  on  chattel 

Owed  bank 

Paid  on  land  (prin.). 
Paid  on  land  (int.) . . 


PRESENT  VALUE  OF  PROPERTY 
Land 

Acres  Classification  Acres      Acre      Total 

Fenced    Value 


.  Cultivated 

.Cultivated  (stumps  in). 
.  Meadow  (wild  hay) .  .  . 
.Unimproved 


Total  value  of  land $ 

Buildings 

Size  Material  Insured  For  Total 


House. 
Barn.  . 
Silo... 


Total  value  of  buildings. 
60 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

Live  Stock 

No.  Value,  Total 

Each 

Dairy  cows 

Dairy  heifers 

Dairy  calves 

Beef  cattle 

Horses 

Colts 

Hogs 

Sheep 


Total  value  of  live  stock. 
Machinery 


Total  value  of  machinery. 


Assets  Liabilities 

Value  of  land $ Due  on  land 

Value  of  buildings Due  on  live  stock. . 

Value  of  live  stock Due  on  machinery. 

Value  of  machinery Other  debts 

Value  of  other  prop- 
erty   Total 


Total $ 

Present  net  worth. 


These  progress  records  are  valuable  to  the 
company  for  a  number  of  purposes.  They  help 
in  considering  extension  of  credit,  in  giving  ad- 
vice to  the  settlers,  and  in  finding  out  what 
general  business  methods  are  the  best  for  the 

61 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

company  to  follow  in  the  way  of  assisting  the 
settler  to  make  a  success. 

As  the  settler's  future  well-being  depends  to  a 
certain  degree  upon  his  progress  in  Americaniza- 
tion, it  would  be  advisable  for  the  company  to 
include  in  the  record  cards  items  concerning  the 
date  of  the  settler's  arrival  in  America,  his 
naturalization  status,  and  the  degree  of  his 
knowledge  of  English  at  the  time  of  his  settle- 
ment on  land.  These  few  additional  items  would 
hardly  complicate  or  burden  the  recording  work 
of  the  company's  local  office. 

THE   ADVISER 

The  company's  officials  stated  that  the  immi- 
grant family  when  first  arriving  in  the  colony 
is  shy  and  helpless.  The  introduction  of  the 
family  to  the  new  conditions  and  surroundings 
has  to  be  made  gradually.  A  representative  of 
the  company  meets  the  family  at  the  station 
and  directs  it  to  a  hotel,  where  it  stays  a  few 
days  before  it  is  taken  to  the  farm.  During 
these  several  days  the  company's  adviser  calls 
often  upon  the  family,  talks  with  its  members, 
takes  them  through  the  colony  and  introduces 
them  to  their  future  neighbors,  and  explains  the 
local  conditions.  When  the  familv  is  transferred 
to  the  farm  the  company's  adviser  still  has  to 
call  almost  daily,  for  there  are  numerous  niat- 

62 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

ters  upon  which  the  settler  needs  advice  and 
encouragement. 

The  majority  of  the  new  settlers  are  quite 
ignorant  of  the  methods  of  land  clearing.  This 
the  adviser  has  to  teach  them.  How  to  feed 
cows,  what  and  when  to  plant,  how  to  cultivate, 
and  how  to  handle  the  products — in  all  such 
questions  the  new  settlers  need  constant  direc- 
tion. They  themselves  give  two  reasons  for  their 
need  of  advice  in  farming  operations.  First,  the 
European  methods  of  farm  work  are  different 
from  the  American  methods,  especially  because 
in  Europe  they  were  not  engaged  in  opening  up 
new  land.  Secondly,  having  been  engaged  in 
industrial  work  in  America,  often  for  long  years, 
they  have  forgotten  the  European  farm  experi- 
ence to  a  certain  degree. 

While  the  writer  was  in  the  office  of  the  ad- 
viser the  settlers  were  constantly  calling  upon 
the  latter  for  advice  in  all  sorts  of  matters.  One 
woman  came,  crying,  and  said,  through  her  boy 
as  interpreter,  that  her  cow  was  sick  and  perhaps 
dying.  Another  woman  sought  advice  as  to  her 
sick  baby.  A  man  came  to  ask  that  a  certain 
road  be  extended  to  his  place.  Still  another  man 
wanted  to  do  some  stumping  on  his  land  in  co- 
operation with  his  neighbors,  provided  the  com- 
pany lent  a  machine  and  the  adviser  came  to 
direct  the  work.  Another  man  asked  advice  in 
regard  to  the  extension  of  credit  to  him.    So  the 

63 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

stream  of  inquiries  went  on  continually.  The 
adviser  needed  to  be,  as  he  was,  an  extremely 
capable  man  to  deal  with  the  extraordinary  list 
of  demands.  He  was  an  expert  agriculturist, 
energetic,  and  in  love'  with  the  game  of  helping 
the  immigrant  settlers. 

In  regard  to  the  need  of  a  trained  adviser  for 
the  new  settlers  the  president  of  the  company 
explained  as  follows: 

The  greatest  need  for  instruction  is  in  land  clearing,  for 
the  modern  land-clearing  methods — methods  of  just  how  to 
"brush,"  and  at  what  time  of  year  to  conduct  the  operations 
— are  entirely  new  to  almost  every  settler  arriving  in  the 
colony.  No  wonder  we  ourselves  are  studying,  experiment- 
ing, and  improving  on  land-clearing  methods  each  month. 

In  general,  our  immigrant  colonists  are  efficient  workers. 
The  fact  is  that  some  of  the  buildings  in  our  new  town  site 
are  being  built  by  our  settlers.  A  large  number  of  them 
were  contractors.  Many  of  the  foreigners  worked  in  the 
shipyards  on  the  coast.  Some  of  them  worked  on  big  farms. 
We  find  them  very  intelligent  and  capable,  and  some  of 
them  very  good  business  men.  We  have  built  over  twenty 
miles  of  road  this  year,  every  bit  of  it  being  done  under 
contract,  and  the  contracts  were  all  taken  by  our  new 
settlers.  During  the  past  year  about  two  hundred  houses 
were  built,  and  these  were  all  contracted  to  the  new  settlers. 

It  is  true  they  have  many  things  to  learn,  just  as  we  have. 
We  are  not  really  teaching  them,  but  we  are  working  with 
them,  studying  with  them,  learning  much  from  them,  just 
as  they  learn  from  us.  We  are  opening  up  our  demonstra- 
tion farms,  studying  the  problems  just  as  they  are.  Our 
adviser's  main  work  is  to  assist  them  in  choosing  the  kind 
of  seed  best  adapted  to  that  country,  to  act  as  a  kind  of 
leader  for  the  community,  for  they  are  all  strangers,  and 
until  they  have  become  accustomed  to  the  country,  and 

64 


THIS  TWO-YEAR-OLD   WISCONSIN   FARM   IS   JUST    READY    TO    CARE 
FOR   ITS  NEWLY   ACQUIRED   SHROPSHIRE   EWES 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

until  leaders  have  sprung  up  among  them,  it  is  necessary 
that  an  outside  leader,  such  as  our  agricultural  adviser, 
should  be  employed,  but  not  because  of  the  ignorance  or 
inefficiency  of  the  foreigners. 

Observing  the  actual  operations  of  such  advis- 
ers in  a  number  of  cases,  the  writer  has  been 
convinced  that  in  every  new  rural  immigrant 
colony  an  intelligent,  sympathetic,  and  efficient 
adviser  is  needed,  and  that  the  private  coloniza- 
tion companies  are  to  be  commended  for  em- 
ploying such  advisers. 

CHILDREN   OVERWORKED 

In  one  of  the  colonies  the  writer  observed  that 
the  settlers'  children  worked  a  great  deal.  On 
one  farm  three  children — two  boys  and  one  girl — 
of  ages  varying  from  nine  to  thirteen  or  four- 
teen, were  clearing  land  of  stones  and  the  debris 
of  brush  and  stumps.  On  another  farm,  the 
settler's  wife,  with  her  two  tiny  and  delicate  girls, 
was  cultivating  potatoes,  each  one  using  a  rake. 
On  a  third  farm,  two  boys,  one  of  ten  and  the 
other  of  twelve,  were  cutting  hay  with  scythes. 
The  boys  were  thin  and  pale.  In  talk  they  ap- 
peared serious  and  somewhat  cheerless,  although 
in  a  measure  enthusiastic  about  their  new  farm. 
The  company's  local  officials  and  also  the 
settlers  themselves  admitted  that  their  children 
work  considerably,  even  to  the  extent  that  they 

65 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

are  often  kept  home  from  school.  The  settlers 
said  that  they  understood  the  harm  being  done 
their  children  both  by  working  too  hard  and  by 
being  withdrawn  from  school.  But  they  are  very 
eager  to  put  their  new  farms  on  a  paying  basis 
in  the  shortest  possible  time.  The  company's 
officials  said  that  they  had  so  far  not  interfered 
with  the  use  of  child  labor,  but  that  in  the  future 
they  would  try  to  exercise  some  supervision  over 
the  work  of  children  in  the  colony. 

The  president  of  the  company  stated  in  regard 
to  the  labor  of  the  settlers'  children  that  "in 
some  cases  in  the  cities,  on  the  farms,  and 
everywhere,  there  is  an  indiscreet  use  of  child 
labor,  as  also  there  is  a  practice  in  many  com- 
munities of  letting  the  children  run  wild.  I  be- 
lieve I  would  rather  trust  future  America  to 
those  brought  up  in  pioneer  regions  than  I  would 
trust  future  America  to  those  brought  up  under 
conditions  where  no  hardship,  no  pioneering,  no 
work  whatever  is  expected  of  them." 

While  this  is  quite  true,  nevertheless  the 
writer's  impression  was  that  a  number  of  the 
settlers  overwork  their  children  and  keep  them 
out  of  school  at  times. 


SECURING   CREDIT 

As   the   company's   overhead   expenses   for   the 
maintenance  of  a  number  of  offices,  for  the  em- 

66 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

ployment  of  a  large  number  of  agents  and  for  com- 
missions and  extensive  advertising,  are  heavy, 
the  company  is  able  to  do  successful  business 
only  on  a  very  large  scale.  The  head  of  this 
particular  company  believed  that,  in  view  of 
this  fact,  the  tract  of  good  farming  land  on  which 
a  company  operates  must  be  not  less  than  50,000 
acres.  He  also  stated  that  in  view  of  the  fact 
that  the  company's  outlay  of  money,  and 
especially  its  extension  of  credit  to  settlers,  is 
very  large,  the  reliable  land  development  and 
colonization  companies  ought  to  be  assisted  in 
the  way  of  credit  by  the  public  through  the 
government. 

During  the  war  the  company  had  great  diffi- 
culty in  borrowing  money  on  the  settlers' 
mortgages.  They  had  to  pay  a  high  rate 
of  interest.  Since  the  end  of  the  war,  how- 
ever, the  company  has  been  able  through  the 
banks  of  the  financial  centers  of  the  North 
Middle  West  to  float  a  large  number  of  col- 
lateral bonds  on  mortgages.  These  bonds  at 
the  present  time  sell  to  the  general  public  at 
6  per  cent.  The  company,  its  president  stated, 
must  pay  the  cost  of  trusteeship  commission 
on  sale  of  bonds,  etc.,  which  brings  the  rate 
which  the  company  pays  to  a  fair  amount  above 
the  6  per  cent  which  the  ultimate  investor  re- 
ceives.   At  the  present  time  there  is  no  difficulty 

in  financing  the  organization,  although  it  would 
6  67 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

be   very   desirable   to   have   state   and   Federal 
assistance. 

Bills  providing  for  such  assistance  have  been 
introduced  in  the  state  legislatures  of  all  of  the 
northwest  states.  Congressman  Knutson  at 
Washington  has  introduced  a  land  credit  bill  to 
provide  capital  for  the  development  by  land 
colonization  of  the  agricultural  resources  of  the 
nation,  providing  for  certain  privileges  to  soldier 
settlers,  and  creating  a  National  Colonization 
Board.1 

CONSERVATION   OF   WOODED   LAND 

While  the  company  has  made  provision  for  the 
conservation  of  riparian  rights,  for  roads,  and  even 
for  town  sites,  it  has  done  little  for  the  conserva- 
tion of  wooded  land.  It  has  preserved  the  wood- 
land on  river  banks  and  160  acres  of  timber  in 
one  colony,  and  it  has  planted  about  15,000 
small  pine  trees.  Moreover,  the  company  en- 
courages the  conservation  of  woodland  by  the 
settlers,  advising  them  to  keep  in  timber  from 
five  to  ten  acres  for  each  farm. 

How  far  the  settlers  will  follow  this  good  advice 
remains  to  be  seen,  while  the  conservation  of 
wooded  land  by  the  company  is  inadequate. 
This  the  company's  local  officials  admitted,  but 
they  reasoned  that  it  would  hardly  be  advisable 

1  H.  R.  3274,  66th  Congress,  1st  Session. 

68 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

for  a  single  company,  or  even  a  number  of  com- 
panies, to  attempt  to  conserve  wooded  land  or 
other  natural  resources  the  return  from  which 
would  be  in  the  far  distant  future.  It  would  be 
advisable  for  the  state,  or  even  for  the  Federal 
government,  to  make  provisions  and  necessary 
regulations  for  the  conservation  of  wooded  land 
and  other  natural  resources  upon  which  the  well- 
being  of  the  public  at  large  depends. 

THE   SIZE   OF   A   COLONY 

A  number  of  Polish  settlers  in  one  of  the  colonies 
visited  expressed  the  desire  to  have  a  Polish 
church  and  school.  They  believed  that  if  the 
national  Catholic  Church  organization  would 
help  them,  they  themselves  would  be  able  to 
maintain  their  church  and  school. 

This  fact  led  the  writer  to  a  discussion  with  the 
company's  officials  as  to  the  advisable  size  of  a 
compact  colony  of  the  same  nationality.  They 
stated  that  if  an  immigrant  family  is  established 
among  settlers  of  another  nationality,  the  family 
becomes  lonely  and  desperate  and  after  a  year 
or  two  of  such  loneliness  is  apt  to  leave  the 
farm,  no  matter  how  successful  it  has  been  in 
buying  and  cultivating  the  land.  Therefore  the 
company's  policy  is  to  settle  the  people  of  the 
same  nationality  together. 

The  writer  asked  whether,  if  a  colony  of  one 

69 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

nationality  is  large,  having  a  hundred  or  several 
hundred  families,  the  resulting  conditions  would 
not  make  for  separation  and  isolation.  They 
would  have  intimate  intercourse  only  with  one 
another,  would  establish  a  church  and  school  of 
their  own  nationality,  and  would  even  develop 
their  own  town  and  elect  their  own  local  govern- 
ment officials.  The  company's  officers  admitted 
that  this  would  possibly  happen;  they  said  that 
the  company  had  not  yet  decided  how  large  a 
colony  of  one  nationality,  in  the  same  locality 
or  neighborhood,  it  would  develop. 

The  personal  opinion  of  one  of  the  officials 
was  that  from  fifteen  to  twenty-five  families  of 
one  nationality  in  the  same  neighborhood  would 
not  be  a  source  of  danger  because  of  becoming 
clannish  and  remaining  un-Americanized  for  a 
generation  or  a  number  of  generations.  A  colony 
of  such  size  would  not  be  able  to  maintain  a 
church  and  school  of  its  own  nationality.  As  to 
the  danger  of  inbreeding,  the  officials  pointed  out 
that  the  church  rules  and  state  laws  would  pro- 
hibit it,  and  said  that,  furthermore,  the  immi- 
grants, having  friends  and  acquaintances  else- 
where in  the  country,  would  marry  into  other 
groups  of  immigrants. 

LEARNING   AMERICAN   WAYS 

The  writer,  while  visiting  the  company's  colonies, 
was  struck  by  the  fact  that  the  settlers  who  said 

70 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

they  had  been  in  this  country  from  eight  to 
ten  years  understood  and  spoke  very  little  Eng- 
lish, seemed  to  be  rather  shy,  and  in  general 
appearance  lacked  signs  of  American  influence. 
Overalls  and  the  tools  in  their  hands  were  almost 
the  only  betraying  marks  of  the  American 
environment. 

The  investigation  developed  the  fact  that 
most  of  the  settlers  had  lived  previously  in  the 
congested  "Little  Polands"  in  Chicago,  Detroit, 
and  Milwaukee.  The  settlers  explained  that  they 
lived  there  as  in  the  old  country,  having  their 
own  Polish  church,  Polish  schools,  Polish  banks, 
Polish  stores,  Polish  books  and  papers,  speaking 
Polish  in  their  homes,  in  the  streets,  and  in  social 
gatherings.  Even  in  the  factories  where  they 
worked,  their  fellow  workers  were  often  Poles; 
sometimes  even  the  foreman  was  a  Pole.  There 
was  almost  no  opportunity  for  coming  in  contact 
with  the  American  ways  of  life  and  with  the 
country's  language. 

Several  settlers  declared  that  they  had  learned 
more  about  America  and  had  used  English  more 
during  the  last  two  years  in  the  northern  wilder- 
ness than  during  the  previous  seven  or  eight  years 
in  the  city  of  Chicago.  Settling  on  land,  they 
came  in  contact  with  the  American  land  agents, 
other  company  officials,  government  authorities, 
American  banks  and  stores,  and  with  American 
neighbors  at  the  community  meetings.    Here  in 

71 


A  STAKE   IN  THE  LAND 

the  wilderness  they  first  found  how  badly  they 
needed  English  and  a  knowledge  of  American 
ways.  A  number  of  parents  started  to  learn 
English  by  taking  lessons  from  their  children, 
who  themselves  were  learning  English  in  the 
local  public  schools. 

The  company's  officials  stated,  in  confirmation, 
that  the  Polish  settlers  in  their  colonies  were 
growing  in  dignity  and  self-reliance,  that  they 
were  assuming  American  characteristics  and  an 
American  bearing. 

TWO   POINTS    OF   VIEW 

As  the  colonies  of  the  company  are  comparatively 
young,  it  is  impossible  to  foresee  their  future 
with  certainty.  So  far  they  seem  to  be  on  a 
sound  basis,  and  their  success  rather  than  their 
failure  is  to  be  expected.  The  soil  is  good  and 
the  settlers  stick  hard  to  their  work  on  the  land. 
The  first  colony  founded  seems  to  be  over  the 
danger  line  already.  It  is  no  longer  under  the 
financial  control  of  the  company,  the  settlers 
have  secured  loans  outside,  and  their  farms  are 
progressing  from  the  experimental  stage  to  that 
of  established  security. 

However,  a  settler  expressed  the  following 
apprehension  to  the  writer: 

You  see  us,  men  and  women,  old  and  young,  working  here 
in  the  wilderness  like  beavers,  clearing  and  digging,  scraping 

72 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

and  building.  All  are  pressed  hard  by  a  strong  hope  of 
establishing  a  permanent  home  and  of  earning  future  inde- 
pendence. But  we  still  live  in  makeshift  houses,  and  so  far 
only  a  few  families  are  able  to  make  a  living,  bare  and 
meager,  out  of  their  clearings,  diggings,  and  cows.  The  vast 
majority— almost  all  of  us — have,  at  times,  to  leave  the 
farm  in  care  of  women  and  children  and  look  for  work 
elsewhere — in  Duluth,  Chicago,  Detroit — for  the  purpose  of 
earning  bread  for  the  family  on  the  farm.  A  number  tem- 
porarily hire  out  to  the  company,  but  the  latter's  wages  are 
considerably  less  than  we  get  in  the  industrial  centers. 

You  have  heard  the  company's  officials  and  seen  their 
doings,  and  everything  might  seem  to  you  to  work  smoothly 
for  the  benefit  of  the  settlers.  Is  it  not  so?  For  instance, 
the  company  claims  that  it  sells  us  tools  at  cost,  but  we 
already  have  found  out  in  regard  to  a  number  of  things  that 
the  company  makes  a  fair  profit  on  them.  Again,  the  com- 
pany claims  that  it  runs  the  demonstration  farms  only  for 
our  benefit,  but  as  a  matter  of  fact  the  company's  aim  is,  as 
we  understand  it,  to  build  up  a  large  farm  estate  on  the  best 
land  of  the  tract,  and  to  sell  us  its  products,  seeds,  breeding 
stock,  etc.;  in  other  words,  to  make  money  out  of  demon- 
stration. One  hardly  can  object  to  this,  except  that  the 
company  claims  that  it  is  doing  business  with  us  "at  cost," 
which  is  not  so. 

Almost  in  everything,  even  in  our  home  life,  we  depend 
upon  the  good  will  of  the  company,  and  so  far  we  have  not 
much  complaint  to  make  against  it.  In  general,  it  has 
treated  us  well  under  the  existing  circumstances,  but  we  are 
a  little  apprehensive  about  our  future.  Suppose  we,  as 
settlers,  finally  succeed  in  making  good,  clear  our  land,  and 
build  up  our  farms,  as  expected  by  the  company  and  hoped 
by  ourselves.  Will  we  then  be  free  and  independent  of  the 
company's  control?  We  are  afraid  not.  We  will  still  have 
to  transact  our  financial  matters  through  the  bank  in  which 
the  company  is  interested,  sell  our  products  through  the 
company's  agency,  etc.,  not  because  any  law  or  stipulation 
would  require  this,  but  solely  because  the  company,  with 
all  its  business  establishments,   is  here  among  us.     The 

73 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

company  is  retaining  river  shores,  town  sites  connected  with 
certain  business  privileges,  and  the  best  pieces  of  land,  as 
its  demonstration  farms.  This  means  that  the  company, 
with  its  fatherly  care  for  us,  is  going  to  remain  with  us  for 
a  long  time  to  come. 

The  field  notes  of  the  writer  on  the  above 
statements  of  the  settler  were  later  shown  to 
the  company's  head,  who  answered  them  as 
follows : 

The  expression  "makeshift  houses"  is  not  fitting  at  all, 
for  the  buildings  are  warm  and  comfortable — hardwood 
floors,  painted  wall  board  inside.  They  are  small,  it  is  true. 
You  can  travel  the  country  over,  where  pioneers  are  located, 
and  I  defy  anyone  to  find  a  better-looking  set  of  houses  than 
those  in  any  one  of  our  colonies. 

This  man  states  that  so  far  only  a  few  families  are  able  to 
make  a  living.  In  our  older  colonies  I  could  show  a  list  of 
cream  checks  which  the  different  settlers  are  receiving  from 
their  cows;  they  will  range  all  the  way  from  $50  to  $400  a 
month.  This  does  not  take  into  consideration  the  surplus 
live  stock,  potatoes,  and  other  grains,  which  they  sell  from 
their  farms.  It  is  not  expected  that  these  new  settlers  will 
make  money  out  of  their  crops  for  the  first  few  years.  It 
is  expected  that  they  will  go  away  to  the  cities  and  work 
part  of  the  time,  while  their  families  remain  on  the  land. 
We  state  in  our  literature,  as  does  all  state  literature,  that 
the  first  two  or  three  years  contain  hardships,  and  mean 
some  working  out  to  earn  money,  provided  the  settler  comes 
without  any  funds  whatever.  The  survey  of  all  our  settlers 
shows  that  while  they  have  worked  in  the  city  ten  to  fifteen 
years,  their  entire  savings  have  amounted  to  from  $200  to 
$1,000.  In  the  colonies,  due  to  clearing,  increased  value  of 
land,  and  earnings  on  their  new  farms,  they  have  made  from 
$500  to  $1,000  a  year.  Surely  this  entails  some  hardship 
and  some  hard  work. 

The  statement  that  some  of  them  hired  out  to  the  company 

74 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

at  less  wages  than  are  paid  in  industrial  centers  I'll  agree 
was  true  during  war  times.  We  could  not  hope  to  compete 
with  the  wages  paid  in  the  munition  factories  of  the  East. 
The  company  does,  however,  pay  standard  wages,  as  high 
as  are  paid  anywhere  for  the  same  class  of  labor. 

The  statement  that  the  company  claims  that  it  sells  the 
necessities  at  cost  is  not  correct,  for  the  company  sells  noth- 
ing. We  have  an  iron-bound  practice  that  in  no  case  do 
we  enter  into  the  store  or  sales  business.  We  furnish  the 
original  house,  barn,  tools,  live  stock,  with  the  land.  After 
that  we  sell  nothing.  We  have  often  stated  that  if  we  would 
enter  into  the  store  business  or  selling  business,  it  would 
drive  others  out,  and  it  was  poor  practice  for  the  company 
to  engage  in  any  business  outside  of  colonization,  for  it 
involved  too  much  detail  and  was  a  separate  business. 
Colonization  is  a  game  all  of  itself,  and  if  we  divided  our 
energies  with  other  industries  we  could  not  succeed. 

Some  time  ago  a  charge  similar  to  this  was  made  by  some 
of  the  settlers,  stating  that  the  company  was  making  profits 
on  buildings.  We  immediately  offered  to  have  any  lumber 
company  agree  to  put  up  those  buildings  for  the  same  price 
that  we  did.  We  asked  for  a  large  number  of  bids,  and  the 
nearest  bid  was  one  hundred  and  twenty-five  dollars  more 
than  the  price  we  were  charging  the  settlers.  We  did  not 
ask  them  to  bid  on  only  one  house,  but  on  one  hundred 
houses  a  year.  The  reason  we  have  been  able  to  construct 
these  buildings  at  such  a  low  rate  is  that  we  have  our  own 
timber.  When  the  price  of  lumber  went  up  during  war 
times,  we  did  not  increase  our  price  one  dollar.  By  building 
hundreds  of  houses  each  year,  by  eight  or  ten  years  of  ex- 
periment, and  keeping  the  same  foreman  and  crew,  we  have 
been  able  to  develop  an  efficiency  that  will  allow  us  to  put 
these  buildings  up  at  one  hundred  dollars  less  than  the  best 
bid  we  could  get  from  anyone.  We  would  gladly  give  up 
this  detail  work  if  some  one  else  could  do  it,  for  we  make  no 
money  on  it  and  barely  take  care  of  costs  and  our  necessary 
overhead. 

As  to  furnishing  cattle,  we  made  an  offer  to  one  of  the 
local  Holstein  and  Guernsey  associations,  asking  them  if 

75 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

they  would  be  willing  to  furnish  all  of  our  settlers  cows  at 
the  same  price  we  were  asking,  and  deliver  them  at  the 
same  time  we  were  delivering  them;  we  could  not  get  any- 
one to  accept  our  offer.  We  have  lost  money  right  along 
on  our  live  stock — not  a  great  deal,  but  a  small  amount.  So 
when  your  informer  tells  you  that  they  purchase  goods  from 
the  company  at  a  fair  profit  to  the  company,  the  statement 
is  not  correct,  for  we  sell  no  goods  to  them  at  all  except 
what  goes  with  the  land.  In  no  case  do  we  buy  anything 
from  the  settlers,  and  in  no  case  do  we  sell  anything  to 
them,  except  the  original  equipment  which  goes  with  the 
original  purchase. 

The  statement  that  the  company's  purpose  is  to  reserve 
large  demonstration  farms  is  laughable,  for  we  only  have 
two  demonstration  farms  reserved  in  our  entire  tract  of 
60,000  acres.  Those  two  demonstration  farms  cover  2,500 
acres.  Already  one  demonstration  farm  in  a  colony  where 
we  sold  practically  all  the  land  has  been  cut  up  into  small 
farms  and  offered  for  general  sale.  The  other  demonstra- 
tion farm  is  in  the  vicinity  of  our  present  settlement  and  is 
not  now  broken  up. 

In  our  oldest  colony  we  reserve  not  a  foot  of  land  there. 
The  cheese  factory  which  we  started  we  turned  over  to  the 
co-operative  organization.  The  warehouse  which  we  con- 
structed we  turned  over  to  a  Co-operative  Shippers'  Asso- 
ciation. 

There  is  one  thing  that  your  informant  is  correct  on, 
and  that  is  that  we  retain  the  river  shores.  We  have  retained 
the  riparian  rights  for  the  reason  that  some  day  we  hope  to 
turn  this  over  to  a  water-power  company  and  develop  hydro- 
electric power  for  the  benefit  of  that  whole  community.  If 
these  river  shores  were  in  the  hands  of  different  settlers,  it 
would  be  impossible  for  a  hydroelectric  company  ever  to 
go  in  there  and  purchase  each  farm  separately  at  a  price 
that  would  enable  it  to  develop  the  power. 

The  contradictions  in  the  above  interviews  are 
to  be  explained  by  the  settlers'  misunderstanding 

76 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

of  the  company's  general  policy  and  methods. 
In  their  eyes  everything  in  the  colony  belongs  to 
and  is  managed  by  the  company,  which  is  quite 
true  at  the  beginning  of  the  colony,  and  which 
cannot  be  otherwise  at  that  time.  The  new 
settlers  know  little  of  one  another,  and  are  igno- 
rant of  the  local  conditions.  They  lack  both 
business  experience  and  capital.  Therefore,  as 
a  rule  they  are  not  able  to  conduct,  either  in- 
dividually or  on  a  co-operative  basis,  commercial 
or  industrial  establishments  at  the  start.  It  is 
therefore  up  to  the  company  to  see  that  there  is  a 
town,  a  hotel,  a  grocery  store,  a  bank,  a  creamery, 
or  cheese  factory,  a  shipping  office,  etc.,  in  the 
colony. 

The  fact  that  the  company  has  interests  in, 
and  even  controls,  these  concerns  at  the  begin- 
ning, and  that  all  these  business  branches  work 
together,  conducting  their  financial  transactions 
through  the  same  bank,  has  led  the  settlers  to 
believe  that  everything  is  permanently  owned 
and  controlled  by  the  company.  The  settlers  in 
a  new  colony  do  not  know  that  as  soon  as  the 
success  of  these  business  organizations  is  secure 
and  the  settlers  have  been  assisted  to  a  firmer 
footing  the  company  will  turn  the  organizations 
over  to  the  settlers  themselves  on  a  co-operative 
basis,  as  has  already  been  done  in  the  company's 
oldest  colony.  It  is  the  company's  policy,  as 
above  stated  by  its  head,  to  specialize  in  the  land 

77 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

colonization  work  only,  leaving  banking,  com- 
merce, and  manufactures  to  others. 


COLONY   SNAPSHOTS 

The  writer  visited  and  investigated  two  colonies 
of  new  settlers  founded  by  the  colonization  com- 
pany within  a  distance  of  about  twenty  to  thirty 
miles  from  one  another.  The  following  field 
notes  taken  during  interviews  with  the  com- 
pany's local  officials  and  the  settlers  themselves 
give  a  general  picture  of  the  conditions  of  the 
colonies. 

In  the  first  colony,  the  first  families  settled 
about  twelve  to  fifteen  years  ago.  At  that  time 
a  logging  camp  was  operating  and  the  country 
was  covered  with  standing  timber.  As  fast  as 
the  loggers  cleared  the  timber  the  land  was 
opened  for  settlement  by  the  colonization  com- 
pany. Land  buyers  were  taken  into  the  logging 
camp,  were  given  meals  and  sleeping  quarters 
there,  and  were  taken  out  and  shown  their  land. 
About  five  vears  after  the  first  settlers  came  most 
of  the  timber  had  been  cut.  The  company  then 
established  the  village  and  began  settling  from 
that  point.  The  colony  has  steadily  increased 
and  at  present  contains  about  fifty  families. 

The  settlers  were  Polish.  About  ten  families 
came  from  Russia,  twenty  from  Germany,  and 
twenty  from  Austria.    They  left  their  old  coun- 

78 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

try  on  account  of  poverty,  political  oppression, 
and  compulsory  military  service  there.  Almost 
all  of  them  had  been  engaged  in  agriculture  in 
the  old  country.  About  forty  families  had  been 
employed  in  shops  and  factories  in  America 
before  they  succeeded  in  settling  on  land  here; 
only  about  ten  families  came  from  Europe  di- 
rectly to  the  colony,  of  which  they  learned 
through  the  company's  advertisements  in  the 
American-Polish  newspapers  and  also  through 
the  letters  of  their  friends  and  acquaintances. 

The  largest  farm  is  120  acres,  the  smallest  20 
acres,  and  the  average  80  acres.  Most  of  the 
farms  are  still  under  mortgage,  only  a  few  being 
cleared  of  debt. 

In  the  colony  and  its  vicinity  are  seven  schools : 
six  with  one  room  and  one  with  three  rooms.  All 
teachers  are  native  born  and  all  teaching  is  in 
English.  The  settlers  appreciate  education. 
Most  of  the  children  are  inclined  to  farming 
and  will  remain  in  the  colony.  One  fourth 
of  the  adults  do  not  speak  English,  one  half 
only  speak  English,  and  one  fourth  speak  and 
write  English. 

Only  a  few  of  the  adult  male  settlers  have 
second  papers;  about  nine  tenths  have  first 
papers,  while  the  rest  are  totally  unnaturalized. 
In  explanation  of  this  fact  the  company's  presi- 
dent stated  that  it  is  only  the  older  men  who 
have  not  secured  even  their  first  papers. 

79 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

A  large  proportion  of  the  foreign  settlers  [he  said]  secure 
their  second  papers  just  as  rapidly  as  they  can  after  they 
locate  on  the  land.  They  desire  to  take  part  in  local  politics; 
they  find  that  they  must  become  interested  in  local  political 
affairs  if  they  wish  to  have  a  good  system  of  schools,  roads, 
and  gain  the  other  advantages  which  both  the  county  and 
town  can  give  them.  They  are  also  interested  in  the  state 
politics.  All  this  brings  the  question  of  second  papers 
forcibly  to  their  minds,  and  in  an  accurate  survey  of  the 
different  colonies  we  are  interested  in,  you  will  find  that  a 
large  per  cent  of  those  who  have  been  on  the  land  five  years 
or  more  have  already  secured  their  second  papers.  One  of 
the  difficulties  which  hinder  them  from  getting  their  second 
papers  sooner  is  the  fact  that  they  must  have  some  one 
certify  that  he  has  actually  known  them  for  a  period  of 
five  years.  Coming  as  they  do,  strangers  from  another 
state,  it  is  necessary  that  they  live  among  us  for  a  five-year 
period  before  such  an  affidavit  can  be  secured.  I  have  had 
many  of  the  settlers  speak  to  me,  desiring  second  papers, 
but  they  were  forced  to  wait  their  period  before  they  could 
secure  them. 

Most  of  the  settlers  read  the  Polish  newspapers 
published  in  America.  Quite  a  number  of  fam- 
ilies take  books  from  the  school  libraries;  among 
these  are  a  few  Polish  books — stories  and 
histories. 

The  settlers  are  of  the  Roman  Catholic  faith. 
Thev  attend  a  local  church.  Their  Catholic 
neighbors  of  other  nationalities  attend  the  same 
church.  The  priest  is  of  the  Polish  nationality; 
he  cannot  speak  English  well.  He  is  appointed 
by  the  bishop.  The  settlers  would  prefer  to 
elect  their  priest  themselves. 

While  the  houses  are  of  the  American  type, 

80 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

the  interior  arrangement  of  the  living  rooms 
remains  that  of  the  European  Slavic  peasantry 
— the  bedcover  is  often  fancy  handiwork,  the 
walls  are  profusely  covered  with  family  photo- 
graphs, pictures  of  Polish  heroes,  and  magazine 
illustrations.  However,  an  honored  place  is 
given  to  the  picture  of  the  President  and  the 
American  flag.  Furniture  is  placed  against  the 
wall  around  the  room.  The  premises  are  kept 
comparatively  clean  and  in  order. 

Diet  is  rather  mixed,  though  the  Polish  meals 
and  the  Polish  ways  of  cooking  predominate. 
The  settlers  claim  that  their  housewives  are 
more  frugal  than  the  American  housewives  in 
their  neighborhood. 

There  are  very  few  intermarriages ;  nationality 
alone  is  considered  a  drawback  for  intermarriage 
between  a  Pole  and  non-Pole.  In  cases  where 
the  two  people  are  of  different  faith,  the  Church 
is  another  drawback. 

Family  discipline,  in  respect  to  the  authority 
of  the  husband  as  the  family  head,  is  less  strict 
than  in  the  old  country.  The  settlers  believe 
that  this  is  due  to  the  American  influence.  Here 
the  husband  has  to  consult  his  wife  in  every  im- 
portant question  and  the  children  are  not  so 
often  punished. 

The  relations  between  the  colonists  and  the 
national  groups  in  the  neighborhood  are  generally 
friendly  and  help  is  given  mutually  in  cases  of 

81 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

need.  But  there  is  very  little  social  visiting  be- 
tween the  groups,  the  difference  in  nationality 
being  a  bar. 

The  settlers  secure  agricultural  advice  from 
two  sources — the  company's  adviser  and  the 
county  agent.  They  raise  wheat,  rye,  oats,  po- 
tatoes, grasses — clover  and  timothy — while  their 
main  income  is  derived  from  milk  production. 

The  products  are  sold  to  the  local  agents; 
there  is  no  discrimination  in  prices.  Necessities 
are  bought  in  the  near-by  towns,  prices  being  too 
high  and  goods  not  always  suited  to  the  needs  of 
the  settlers. 

Money  is  loaned  by  the  local  banks  at  7  to  8 
per  cent.  This  rate,  the  company  stated,  was 
on  short-time,  unsecured  paper.  The  settlers, 
it  maintained,  have  always  been  able  to  secure 
money  on  farm  mortgages  at  6  and  7  per 
cent. 

Economically  stronger  families  compel  their 
children  to  do  chores  and  work  in  the  field  out- 
side of  school  time,  while  poorer  and  weaker 
families,  especially  those  of  more  recent  settlers, 
often  let  their  children  work  even  during  school 
time. 

The  settlers  are  satisfied  with  their  conditions 
and  they  all  desire  to  remain  permanently  in 
America.  The  only  thing  they  want  is  an  in- 
crease in  the  number  of  settlers  and  further 
development  of  their  locality. 

82 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

The  second  colony1  visited  by  the  writer  was 
started  by  the  company  the  year  before  (1917). 
There  are  now  about  sixty  Polish  families  in  the 
colony.  Half  of  the  adult  male  population  were 
deserters  from  the  compulsory  military  service 
in  Russia,  Germany,  and  Austria.  'Why  should 
we  have  served  in  the  armies  by  which  Poland 
was  oppressed!"  exclaimed  a  settler  when  asked 
as  to  their  justification  for  desertion. 

Before  settling  on  the  land  they  all  had  worked 
in  steel  mills,  factories,  mines,  etc.,  some  five  to 
six  years,  some  longer,  but  their  experience  in 
Europe  had  been  on  farms.  While  in  America 
they  had  learned  of  the  land  from  the  company's 
advertisements  in  the  Polish  papers.  In  regard 
to  the  settlers'  previous  farming  experience  the 
company's  head  said  that 

our  company  will  not  sell  land  to  any  settler  who  has  not 
had  some  farm  experience.  We  advise  them  first  to  work 
on  a  farm  somewhere — either  rent  it  or  hire  out — until  they 
have  gained  the  necessary  experience  to  make  them  success- 
ful on  their  farms.  These  people  here  are  not  factory  work- 
ers, but  are  primarily  farmers,  land  hungry,  who  came  to 
this  country  for  the  purpose  of  owning  a  home,  and  only 
temporarily  worked  in  steel  mills,  factories,  and  mines,  in 
order  to  secure  sufficient  money  to  get  the  start  that  they 
so  much  desire. 

About  ten  settlers  had  gone,  at  the  time  of  the 
writer's  visit,  to  work  in  Duluth  and  Chicago. 

1  Only  those  field  notes  are  here  quoted  which  vary  from  the  de- 
scription of  the  first  colony. 

7  83 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Their  families  and  other  settlers  were  busily 
engaged  in  land  clearing.  The  smallest  clearing 
was  6  acres,  the  largest  20  acres,  and  the  average 
clearing  for  each  farm  was  10  acres — that  is, 
about  one  sixth  of  the  land  was  already  cleared, 
but  most  of  the  cleared  land  was  not  yet  turned. 
The  size  of  the  largest  farm  was  120  acres,  that 
of  the  smallest  40  acres,  and  of  the  average  60 
acres.  In  May  the  company  organized  a  land- 
clearing  contest  among  the  settlers  of  its  colonies, 
providing  rewards  for  the  winners.  'This  was  a 
big  event  in  our  colony — the  men  pushed  the 
brush  for  all  they  were  worth,"  said  the  com- 
pany's agent. 

The  settlers  estimated  that  all  of  the  adult 
males  understand  English,  and  that  about  70  per 
cent  can  also  speak  English,  though  not  well,  while 
not  one  can  intelligibly  write  English.  Most  of 
the  adult  women  do  not  even  understand  English. 

There  is  no  Polish  church.  Once  in  two  or 
three  weeks  a  Polish  priest  comes.  The  majority 
of  the  settlers  do  not  care  about  having  a  Polish 
church  and  school.  They  claim  that  their  re- 
ligious sentiment  is  weaker  in  America  than  it 
was  in  Europe. 

Their  diet  is  almost  entirely  Polish.  Some 
families  keep  their  homes  clean  and  in  order; 
some  continue  to  live  in  dirt  as  in  Europe. 

Relations  between  the  Polish  and  non-Polish 
settlers  are  good,  though  no  social  visiting  takes 

84 


PRIVATE  LAND  COLONIZATION  COMPANIES 

place.  Still,  they  meet  and  see  one  another  at 
the  community  hall,  about  which  the  settlers 
seemed  to  be  enthusiastic. 

In  clearing  land  the  settlers  have  so  far  applied 
hand  labor  almost  exclusively,  but  in  the  coming 
year  horse  power  will  be  needed.  Near  the 
houses  small  potato  patches  and  vegetable  gar- 
dens have  been  planted.  Field  crops  have  been 
started,  in  a  small  and  primitive  way,  and  among 
these  oats  and  feed  grasses  predominate.  The 
sale  of  milk  is  the  most  important  item  of  income 
of  the  settlers.  Dairy  farming  is  the  company's 
aim  in  the  development  of  the  colony. 

In  regard  to  the  clearing  of  land  the  company 
emphasized  the  point  that  the  land  does  not  all 
have  to  be  cleared  in  order  to  produce. 

Cattle  are  immediately  turned  into  the  brushland,  and 
can  pasture  upon  the  brush,  the  native  grasses,  and  the 
clover  which  grows  throughout  the  entire  region.  Land 
which  is  cleared  is  used  for  winter  food  products.  Summer 
feed  for  the  cattle,  hogs,  and  horses  comes  almost  exclusively 
from  the  uncleared  land.  By  following  dairying  and  live- 
stock raising,  the  entire  land  becomes  productive  at  once, 
while  grain  or  vegetable  farming  would  mean  that  only  the 
land  under  cultivation  would  be  producing. 

The  men  of  the  colony  seemed  to  be  rather 
cheerful  and  hopeful,  while  their  wives  impressed 
the  writer  as  being  somewhat  downcast  and  self- 
centered.  Several  of  them  said  that  they  have 
to  work  much  harder  in  the  colony  than  in  the 
cities  or  even  in  the  old  country. 

85 


VI 

PUBLIC    LAND    COLONIZATION 

California  is  the  first,  and  so  far  the  only  state 
in  the  Union  to  undertake  the  public  colonization 
of  land.  Its  first  experiment  is  very  recent  and 
on  a  comparatively  small  scale.  Its  leaders  are 
ably  utilizing  their  knowledge  of  the  experiences 
in  public  land  colonization  in  foreign  countries 
such  as  Australia,  New  Zealand,  the  Scandi- 
navian states,  and  Great  Britain.  Although  it 
is  impossible  to  foresee  the  outcome,  the  writer 
is  inclined  to  believe  that  the  public  land  coloniza- 
tion in  California  will  continue  to  be  a  success, 
giving  impetus  to  similar  projects  in  other  states. 

THE   CALIFORNIA   EXPERIMENT 

The  California  experiment  and  its  history  may 
be  outlined  briefly  as  follows:  A  report  of  the 
California  Commission  on  Land  Colonization 
and  Rural  Credits  made  in  1916  revealed  the 
fact  that  few  settlers  were  coming  to  California 
and  that  many  who  had  come  were  leaving 
because  of  hardships  created  by  high  prices  of 

86 


PUBLIC  LAND   COLONIZATION 

land,  highjmterest  rates,  and  short  terms  of  pay- 
ment given  in  colonization  contracts.  As  a  re- 
sult, the  California  legislature  passed  the  Land 
Settlement  Act,  approved  June  1,  1917,1  for  the 
purpose  of 

promoting  closer  agricultural  settlement,  assisting  deserving 
and  qualified  persons  to  acquire  small  improved  farms,  pro- 
viding homes  for  farm  laborers,  increasing  opportunities 
under  the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Act,  and  demonstrating  the 
value  of  adequate  capital  and  organized  direction  in  sub- 
dividing and  preparing  agricultural  land  for  settlement. 

The  act  appropriated  $250,000  for  a  demon- 
stration in  state  land  colonization,  fixing  10,000 
acres  as  the  limit  which  should  be  bought.  The 
land  might  be  situated  in  one  or  two  localities, 
but  not  profitably  in  more,  because  of  the  in- 
crease in  overhead  expenses.  To  carry  out  the 
provisions  of  the  act  a  state  Land  Settlement 
Board  was  appointed  of  which  Prof.  Elwood 
Mead  was  chairman.  The  board  was  organized 
at  the  end  of  August,  1917,  and  immediately 
began  the  search  for  a  suitable  tract  of  land. 
With  the  advice  of  technical  experts  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  California  and  of  other  authorities 
upon  soil,  irrigation,  health,  and  various  condi- 
tions which  would  affect  the  success  of  the 
colony,  final  selection  was  made  of  a  tract  at 
Durham,  Butte  County,  California. 

On  May  7,  1918,  the  land  was  finally  trans- 
senate  Bill  No.  5S4,  chap.  755. 

87 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

ferred  to  the  state.  Prior  to  this,  however,  the 
land  had  been  subdivided  and  had  been  pre- 
pared for  farming,  a  large  acreage  having  even 
been  seeded.  On  May  15th,  3,421  acres  were 
offered  to  settlers,  consisting  of  53  farms,  ranging 
in  size  from  3^  acres  to  ICO  acres,  and  of  21 
two-acre  farm  laborers'  allotments.  The  prices 
of  the  farms  varied  from  $875  (above  which  the 
next  price  was  $3,646)  to  $14,942.  The  price  of 
the  farm  laborers'  allotments  was  $400.  The  law 
provided  that  the  value  of  the  former,  without 
improvements,  should  not  exceed  $15,000,  and 
that  of  the  latter,  without  improvements,  should 
not  exceed  $400.  The  terms  of  sale  were  as 
follows : 

Settlers  were  to  pay  5  per  cent  of  the  cost  of 
the  land  and  40  per  cent  of  the  cost  of  the  im- 
provements at  the  time  of  purchase,  the  re- 
mainder of  the  purchase  price  to  be  paid  over  a 
period  of  twenty  years  with  interest  at  the  rate 
of  5  per  cent  per  annum.  Payments  of  principal 
and  interest  were  to  be  made  semiannually  in 
accord  with  the  amortization  table  of  the  Federal 
Farm  Loan  Board. 

All  applicants  for  land  were  carefully  con- 
sidered as  to  their  character  and  their  fitness  for 
farming.  The  minimum  amount  of  capital  a 
settler  was  required  to  have  was  fixed  at  $1,500 
or  a  working  equipment  of  equal  value.  A  farm 
laborer  was  not  required  to  have  any  capital,  but 

88 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

had  only  to  pay  the  initial  deposit  of  $20  and 
semiannual  payments  of  about  $15. 

The  board  reserved  the  right  of  supervision  of 
the  methods  of  cultivation  of  each  settler,  of  the 
state  of  repair  of  buildings,  of  fire  -  insurance 
policies,  and  of  other  details. 

Plans  of  houses  and  barns  were  prepared  and 
the  board  offered  to  build  these,  or  others,  for 
the  settler,  on  payment  of  40  per  cent  of  the  cost. 
An  engineer  was  employed  to  supervise  the  erec- 
tion of  buildings  and  to  help  settlers  plan  the 
grouping  of  buildings,  orchard,  garden,  and  field. 
The  board  bought  material  at  wholesale  and  let 
contracts  in  groups  and  in  this  way  each  family 
was  saved  much  money  and  valuable  farming  time. 

The  board  kept  the  following  objects  in  view: 

1.  That  the  settlement  become  widely  and 
favorably  known  as  the  home  of  one  breed  of 
dairy  cattle,  one  breed  of  beef  cattle,  one  breed 
of  hogs,  and  one  or  two  breeds  of  sheep. 

2.  The  co-operation  of  the  settlers  in  buying 
and  selling. 

3.  The  establishment  at  Durham,  or  on  the 
settlement,  of  a  training  school  in  agriculture. 

4.  The  erection  in  the  near  future  of  a  social 
hall  owned  and  paid  for  by  settlers. 

Co-operative  action  among  the  farmers  and 
farm  laborers  was  particularly  desired  and  en- 
couraged. A  co-operative  stock  breeders'  asso- 
ciation was  formed.    Twenty-two  acres  were  re- 

89 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

served  for  community  use,  and  here  it  is  hoped 
that  community  buildings  will  be  erected. 

When  the  farms  were  offered  for  sale  there 
were  from  ten  to  fourteen  applicants  for  each  of 
the  improved  farms.  Four  of  the  unimproved 
farms  were  not  applied  for  and  these  will  be 
seeded  and  offered  to  settlers  later  at  the  opening 
of  the  next  tract.  Every  one  of  the  farm  laborers' 
allotments  was  applied  for.  The  settlement  was 
made  self-sustaining  and  productive  within  sixty 
days  from  the  date  the  land  was  purchased. 

As  to  the  racial  composition  of  this  colony  and 
the  way  in  which  the  method  of  colonization 
would  affect  the  incorporation  of  the  different 
racial  elements  in  the  life  of  the  settlement,  the 
superintendent,  Mr.  George  C.  Kreutzer,  made 
the  following  statement: 

Five  of  the  settlers  on  the  colony  are  of  German  origin, 
two  of  Danish  origin,  two  Italian,  one  French,  and  all  the 
others  are  of  either  English,  Irish,  or  Scotch  origin. 

No  policy  of  mixing  nationalities  was  followed.  These  farm- 
ers put  in  either  a  first,  second,  or  third  choice  for  the  allot- 
ments they  desired,  and  the  board  then  selected  the  man  best 
suited  agriculturally  for  the  particular  block  he  was  allotted. 

Under  our  system  of  allotting  blocks  here  the  farmers  are 
particularly  concerned  in  making  a  success  of  their  farms 
financially,  rather  than  socially.  We  were  never  confronted 
with  the  problem  of  having  too  many  of  one  nationality  in 
the  coDimunity,  and  as  we  have  only  fifty-three  farms  to 
offer  for  settlers,  it  is  not  large  enough  to  involve  the  prob- 
lem at  all.  Further  than  this,  I  do  not  think  the  problem 
will  come  up  under  this  system  of  allotting  blocks,  for  the 
reason  first  stated  above. 

90 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

It  will  Americanize  immigrants  through  co-operation  and 
social  intercourse,  through  the  various  settlers'  organiza- 
tions necessary  to  their  social  and  financial  welfare.  We 
have  a  Stock  Breeders'  Association  which  meets  at  regular 
times  to  discuss  live-stock  problems  at  intervals  during  the 
year.  They  are  all  on  equal  terms,  each  one  buying  the 
land  for  himself,  thus  breaking  down  class  distinction. 
There  will  not  be  the  distinction  between  lessees  and  free- 
holders that  we  find  in  the  Middle  States.  Their  children 
will  go  to  the  same  school. 

This  undertaking  of  California  is  the  only  one 
in  the  field  of  public  land  colonization  anywhere 
in  the  country,  except  for  projects  involving 
soldier  settlements  which  some  states  have  lately 
begun  to  undertake. 


STATE   PROVISION   FOR   SOLDIER   SETTLEMENTS 

With  the  close  of  the  War  there  began  to  appear 
on  the  calendars  of  state  legislatures  the  subject 
of  land  settlement  provision  for  returning  sol- 
diers. Up  to  the  time  this  report  was  written, 
twenty-three  states  had  passed  some  legislation 
relative  to  this  need.  The  following  table  indi- 
cates in  a  general  way  the  extent  and  nature  of 
this  provision. 

In  more  than  half  the  states  the  laws  refer  to 
Federal  legislation,  in  a  few  cases  specifying  that 
the  appropriation  shall  be  contingent  upon  a 
national  appropriation.  Several  states  signify 
their  approval  of  co-operation  with  Federal  pro- 
vision, but  make  no  appropriation  for  the  work. 

91 


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93 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  largest  appropriation  in  the  form  of  a  bond 
issue  for  popular  approval  of  $10,000,000  was 
passed  by  the  California  legislature.  Similar 
provision  was  made  by  Missouri,  South  Dakota, 
and  Utah  to  the  amount  of  $1,000,000.  Nevada 
arranged  for  the  borrowing  of  $1,000,000  for 
"reclamation,  improvement,  and  equipment  of 
lands  .  .  .  for  soldiers,  sailors,  marines,  and  other 
loyal  citizens."  Washington  appropriated  a 
revolving  fund  beginning  with  $1,050,000  and 
eventually  reaching  $3,000,000  to  create  a  state 
Reclamation  Service. 

In  spite  of  this  evidence  of  awakened  interest 
in  soldier  settlements,  many  such  projects  have 
died  before  any  real  attempt  could  be  made  to 
put  them  into  practical  operation.  This  is  to  be 
explained  as  follows.  The  projects  in  a  number 
of  cases  were  products  rather  of  sentiment  than 
of  logic  based  upon  experience.  War-time  pa- 
triotism created  a  desire  to  give  some  sort  of 
reward  to  men  fighting  for  the  country's  cause. 
"Let  us  give  to  each  returning  soldier  a  farm — 
a  ready-made  farm!"  was  heard  throughout  the 
country.  Whether  we  had  enough  land,  or  eco- 
nomically available  land,  for  millions  of  farms 
was  not  always  asked.  Many  of  the  project- 
makers  turned  to  our  swamps,  deserts,  and  cut- 
over  lands  filled  with  stumps  and  debris. 

The  easy-flowing  imagination  of  these  people, 
especially  of  the  city  type,  made  out  of  these 


94 


PUBLIC  LAND   COLONIZATION 

lands  new  farms,  flourishing  gardens,  meadows 
and  fields  burdened  with  crops  waving  in  the 
winds.  How  much  it  would  cost,  whence  would 
come  the  money  and  energy  to  create  such  a 
miracle,  and  how  much  time  the  prosecution  of 
the  plan  would  require  was  not  asked.  Would 
not  our  returned  soldiers,  who  already  are 
matured  men,  be  in  their  graves  before  their 
desert  and  swamp  farms  gave  a  living  to  their 
cultivators?  Still  more  strange  was  the  common 
notion  that  all  soldiers,  even  the  crippled,  were 
eager  to  settle  on  land — that  all  wanted  land  and 
all  were  fit  to  be  farmers! 

As  the  product  of  mere  fancy,  such  sweeping 
soldiers'  settlement  projects  were  bound  to  die 
a  natural  death.  And  yet  they  have  not  been 
without  value.  They  created  lively  discussion, 
and  called  attention  to  our  land  problems,  espe- 
cially to  the  reclamation  and  colonization  of  un- 
used lands  by  the  people  who  want  land  and  are 
fit  to  be  farmers  and  to  do  hard  land-pioneering 
work,  be  they  returned  soldiers,  native  farmers, 
or  newly  arrived  immigrants. 

THE   RECLAMATION   ACT 

The  Federal  Reclamation  Service  was  established 
by  an  act  of  June  17, 1902,  ch.  1093,  32  Stat.,  388.1 


1  Federal  Reclamation  Laws  of  the  United  States.  House  Com- 
mittee on  Irrigation  of  Arid  Lands,  66th  Congress,  2d  Session, 
Washington,  D.  C,  1920;  chap,  v,  pp.  13-50. 

95 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

This  act  provides  that  the  moneys  received  from 
the  sale  of  public  lands  in  the  Western  states, 
with  the  exception  of  the  5  per  centum  reserved 
by  law  for  educational  and  other  purposes,  shall 
be  set  aside  in  the  Treasury  as  a  reclamation 
fund  to  be  used  for  the  construction  and  main- 
tenance of  irrigation  works  for  the  purpose  of  re- 
claiming arid  and  semiarid  lands  in  these  states. 

Authority  to  conduct  the  reclamation  work  is 
placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Secretary  of  the  In- 
terior. He  is  given  authority  to  withdraw  from 
public  entry  the  lands  required  for  irrigation 
works  and  to  restore  the  withdrawn  lands  to 
public  entry  when  their  use  for  such  purpose  is 
over.  Under  the  authority  conferred  upon  him 
by  the  act  (Section  4,  and  Opinion  Assistant 
Attorney  General,  April  16,  1906,  34  L.  D.,  567) 
he  may  enter  into  contracts  for  the  construction 
of  irrigation  works  or  construct  such  works  by 
labor  employed  and  operated  under  the  superin- 
tendence and  direction  of  government  officials. 

The  Secretary  is  authorized  to  give  public 
notice  of  the  lands  irrigable  under  such  project, 
and  limit  of  area  per  entry,  which  limit  shall 
represent  the  acreage  which,  in  the  opinion  of 
the  Secretary,  may  be  reasonably  required  for 
the  support  of  a  family  upon  the  reclaimed 
lands;  and  of  the  charges  which  shall  be  made 
per  acre  upon  the  entries,  and  upon  lands  in 
private  ownership  which  may  be  irrigated  by  the 

96 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

waters  of  the  irrigation  works.  The  charges  shall 
be  determined  with  a  view  to  returning  to  the 
reclamation  fund  the  cost  of  construction  and 
shall  be  apportioned  equitably. 

It  is  provided  that  in  all  construction  work 
eight  hours  shall  constitute  a  day's  work  and  no 
Mongolian  labor  shall  be  employed  (32  Stat.,  389). 
No  right  to  the  use  of  water  for  land  in  private 
ownership  shall  be  sold  for  a  tract  exceeding  160 
acres  to  any  one  landowner.  It  is  provided  that 
the  reclamation  fund  shall  be  used  for  the  opera- 
tion and  maintenance  of  irrigation  works  and 
that  when  the  payments  required  by  the  act  are 
made  for  the  major  portion  of  the  lands  irrigated 
the  management  of  these  works  shall  pass  to  the 
landowners. 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  authorized  to 
acquire  any  rights  or  property  for  reclamation 
purposes  by  purchase  or  by  condemnation  under 
judicial  process,  and  to  pay  from  the  reclamation 
fund  sums  needed  for  that  purpose.  Within 
thirty  days,  upon  application  of  the  Secretary  of 
the  Interior,  the  Attorney  General  of  the  United 
States  shall  institute  condemnation  proceedings. 
The  Secretary  of  the  Interior  is  authorized  to 
make  rules  and  regulations  for  carrying  the  pro- 
visions of  the  act  into  full  force  and  effect. 

In  the  seventeen  years  since  the  passage  of  the 
Reclamation  Act  the  surveys,  examinations,  and 
construction  authorized  by  it  have  proceeded,  and 

97 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

to-day,  according  to  the  report  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior  for  191 9,1 

the  service  is  in  a  position  to  deliver  water  to  about  1,600,000 
acres  of  irrigable  land,  covered  by  crop  census,  of  which 
about  1,120,000  acres  are  now  being  irrigated.  Besides  this 
storage  water  is  delivered  from  permanent  reservoirs  under 
special  contracts  to  about  950,000  acres  more.  The  projects 
that  have  been  undertaken  have  been  planned  to  provide 
for  an  area  of  about  3,200,000  acres. 

A  number  of  bills  have  been  proposed  for  enlarg- 
ing and  extending  this  work. 


PROPOSED   FEDERAL   LEGISLATION 

The  Department  of  the  Interior  has  prepared 
a  draft  of  a  bill  providing  rural  homes  for  return- 
ing soldiers.  Copies  of  the  bill  were  sent  to  the 
Governors  for  consideration  by  various  state 
legislatures. 

The  bill  is  based  on  the  principle  of  co-opera- 
tion, according  to  which  (1)  the  state  provides 
land,  acquiring  it  by  purchase  or  by  agreement 
with  the  present  landowners  whereby  the  latter 
turn  their  holdings  over  to  the  state  for  a  reason- 
able price  gradually  paid  to  them  out  of  the 
returns  from  the  settlers,  and  (2)  the  Federal 
government  advances  money  for  reclamation 
through  irrigation,  drainage,  and  clearing,  and 

1  Reports  of  the  Department  of  the  Interior  for  the  fiscal  year 
ended  June  30,  1919.  Washington,  Government  Printing  Office, 
1920;  vol.  1,  p.  96. 

98 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

for  preparation  of  the  land  for  immediate  farming 
through  the  providing  of  buildings,  implements, 
seeds,  live  stock,  etc.  The  total  cost  of  the  land 
and  improvements,  with  interest  at  4  per  cent  on 
capital  invested,  will  be  repaid  by  the  settlers 
during  the  course  of,  approximately,  forty  years 
by  an  annual  payment  of  5  per  cent  of  the  total 
cost. 

A  bill  was  introduced  in  Congress  by  Senator 
Myers  (S.  4947,  65th  Congress,  2d  Session)  in 
October,  1918,  and  backed  by  the  Department 
of  the  Interior,  which  provided  for  a  survey  and 
classification  by  this  department  of  all  unentered 
public  lands  and  all  privately  owned  unused  lands 
for  the  purpose  of  finding  out  what  lands  can  be 
reclaimed  and  put  to  productive  use  by  returning 
soldiers  who  would  like  to  settle  on  land  and  en- 
gage in  agriculture.  After  such  an  investigation 
the  Secretary  of  the  Interior  was  required  to 
report  to  Congress  and  to  propose  a  plan  for  the 
settlement  and  cultivation  of  such  lands. 

There  were  two  bills  (S.  5397  and  H.  15672) 
introduced  by  Senator  W.  S.  Kenyon  of  Iowa 
and  Representative  M.  Clyde  Kelly  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, respectively,  which,  among  other  features, 
made  possible  development  of  rural  districts. 
Although  differing  in  details,  the  bills  both  appro- 
priated $100,000,000  to  be  expended  in  providing 
employment  primarily  for  returning  soldiers. 
This   was  to  be  done  through  the  authorized 

8  99 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

public  construction  work,  or  through  the  organ- 
ization and  extension  of  useful  public  works,  in 
the  development  of  natural  resources.  Only  in 
localities  where  the  Secretary  of  Labor  reports 
extraordinary  unemployment  to  exist  shall  public 
works  be  carried  on  from  this  fund. 

The  House  bill  provided  for  the  building  of 
new  post  roads;  for  the  transfer  of  war  material 
no  longer  needed  by  the  army,  the  same  to  be 
used  for  the  construction,  improvement,  and 
maintenance  of  the  post  roads;  for  supplement- 
ing the  public  school  equipment  where  public 
school  buildings  are  or  shall  be  designated  as 
postal  stations,  for  the  use  of  the  construction 
service;  and  for  other  purposes.  The  bill  pro- 
vides for  the  establishment  of  motor  transport 
and  postal  routes;  for  the  organization  of  a 
system  of  marketing  facilities  for  the  collection 
and  delivery,  through  the  postal  service  and 
public  school  buildings,  of  farm  products  from 
producer  to  consumer;  and  for  the  construction 
of  any  authorized  public  work. 

In  addition  to  these  more  indirect  ways  of 
opening  up  the  country  the  bill  carried  specific 
provision  for  promoting  and  conducting  land- 
settlement  colonies,  as  well  as  provision  for  log- 
ging or  milling  operations,  contingent  upon  a 
continuous  yield  of  timber,  so  that  the  forest 
communities  would  be  permanent.  The  pro- 
visions of  the  bill  were  to  be  carried  out  by  an 

100 


PUBLIC   LAND   COLONIZATION 

interdepartmental  National  Board  of  Public 
Construction,  which  would  organize  a  body  of 
workers,  known  as  the  United  States  Construc- 
tion Service. 

Since  the  bill  carried  the  reclamation  and 
technical  land-improvement  work,  the  only  ques- 
tion might  be,  is  there  any  need  for  this  to 
be  carried  on  by  a  special  Construction  Service? 
Would  it  not  be  a  duplication  of  the  work  of  the 
already  existing  Reclamation  Service  of  the 
Department  of  the  Interior?  Would  it  not  be 
economical  and  otherwise  proper  to  increase  the 
staff  and  other  working  forces  of  the  Reclamation 
Service  to  the  extent  of  the  proposed  reclamation 
duties  of  the  Construction  Service? 

Representative  E.  T.  Taylor  of  Colorado  intro- 
duced in  the  House,  February  15,  1919,  a  bill 
(H.  R.  15993)  providing  for  employment  and  the 
securing  of  rural  homes  for  returned  soldiers  and 
for  the  promotion  of  the  reclamation  of  land  for 
cultivation  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary 
of  the  Interior.  Short-term  loans  to  settlers  were 
provided  for.  This  bill  contains  a  good  land- 
development  plan,  except  that  the  Reclamation 
Service,  Department  of  the  Interior,  ought  not 
to  be  burdened  with  colonization  work  and  with 
loans  to  settlers.  Colonization  work  ought  to 
be  the  duty  of  a  separate  body,  and  the  extension 
of  credit  to  settlers  naturally  belongs  to  the  Farm 
Loan  Beard,  Department  of  the  Treasury. 

101 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Representative  Mondell  of  Wyoming  intro- 
duced in  the  House,  May  19,  1919,  a  bill  (H.  R. 
487)  providing  employment  and  rural  homes  for 
returned  soldiers  through  the  reclamation  of 
lands  under  the  direction  of  the  Secretary  of  the 
Interior,  who  may,  for  this  purpose,  acquire  by 
gift,  purchase,  deed  in  trust,  or  otherwise,  the 
necessary  lands  for  soldier  settlement  projects 
and,  for  the  same  purpose,  may  withdraw,  utilize, 
and  dispose  of  by  contract  and  deed  suitable  public 
lands.     An  appropriation  of  $500,000  is  proposed. 

The  plan  in  this  bill  for  the  acquisition  and 
reclamation  of  unused  land  is  a  strong  one. 
Equally  commendable  is  the  provision  for  safe- 
guarding the  settlers'  holdings  against  specula- 
tion, for  the  selling,  leasing,  or  mortgaging  of  the 
land  by  settlers  requires  the  approval  of  the 
Secretary  of  the  Interior.  The  bill  requires 
that  the  Interior  Department,  through  its 
Reclamation  Service,  acquire  and  improve  lands, 
colonize  them,  and  make  loans  to  settlers.  It 
would  seem  a  more  efficient  plan  to  make  a 
division  of  these  various  duties.  The  Reclama- 
tion Service  should  acquire  and  improve  lands 
for  settlement,  while  the  colonization  work  and 
the  extension  of  loans  to  settlers  would  be  made 
the  duties  of  other  public  authorities,  as  pointed 
out  below. 

House  Bill  No.  3274,  introduced  by  Repre- 
sentative Knutson,  May  27,  1919,  proposes  to 

102 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

create,  in  the  Treasury  Department,  a  National 
Colonization  Board  with  local  colonization  com- 
missions, for  the  purpose  of  providing  capital 
for  the  development  by  land  colonization  of  the 
agricultural  resources  of  the  nation,  affording 
certain  privileges  to  soldier  settlers.  The  com- 
missions approve  and  charter  private  coloniza- 
tion companies  and  recommend  applications  for 
loans  after  seeing  all  the  provisions  of  the  act 
have  been  complied  with.  The  commissions  are 
to  include  the  directors  of  the  district  land  bank. 

The  main  aim  of  the  bill  is  to  standardize  pri- 
vate land  colonization  companies  to  a  certain 
degree,  to  facilitate  the  extension  of  credit  to 
them,  and  to  make  loans  to  soldier  settlers.  The 
Knutson  bill  in  meeting  these  needs  is  a  com- 
prehensive one.  It  deserves  the  closest  attention 
of  Congress.  Would  it  not  be  advisable,  how- 
ever, to  attach  the  administrative  machinery  for 
credit  extension  outlined  in  the  bill  to  a  division 
to  be  created  in  the  Farm  Loan  Board,  with 
separate  colonization  credit  funds,  and  to  leave 
the  regulation  and  licensing  of  the  private  col- 
onization companies  to  a  separate  body  as  out- 
lined below? 

Senator  Thomas  J.  Walsh  of  Montana  intro- 
duced in  the  Senate,  August  20,  1917,  a  bill 
(S.  2812)  which  was  passed  by  both  Houses  and 
reported  from  conference  for  passage  in  February, 
1919.    The  bill  provides  for  the  sale  or  lease  of 

103 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

coal,  oil,  and  other  mineral  lands  on  the  public 
domain.  The  leasing  clause  of  the  bill  is  weak- 
ened by  the  provision,  "unless  previously 
entered  under  Section  2  of  this  act."  The 
public  coal  lands  would  be  "entered,"  sold  into 
private  ownership,  which  means  the  loss  of  public 
control  over  these  lands  and  the  methods  of 
their  exploitation.  However,  the  bill  if  passed 
would  be  a  step  forward  in  the  sense  that  it  would 
increase  opportunities  for  investment  of  capital 
and  employment  of  labor,  which  would  result  in 
the  increase  of  the  coal  output  so  much  needed. 

The  only  step  so  far  undertaken  by  Congress 
in  the  direction  of  land  colonization  is  the  appro- 
priation of  $200,000  for  an  investigation  by  the 
Reclamation  Service,  Department  of  the  Inte- 
rior, of  lands  outside  of  the  existing  reclamation 
projects.  The  measures  needed  are  waiting  for 
action. 

In  regard  to  the  available  land  for  acquisition, 
reclamation,  and  colonization,  several  projects 
are  proposed  by  the  above-quoted  bills  and  by 
various  Federal  departments.  The  principal 
projects  are  as  follows: 

1.  Agricultural: 

a.  Logged-off  lands  in  the  North  Middle  Western 
and  Northwestern  states. 

b.  Irrigation  of  desert  lands  in  the  Southwestern 
states. 

c.  Drainage  of  swamp  lands  in  the  Southern  states. 

2.  Forestry  projects;    permanent  colonies  for  logging, 

104 


PUBLIC  LAND  COLONIZATION 

milling,  and  reforestation  of  logged-off  lands  in  the 
Northwestern  states. 

3.  Colonization  projects  for  an  intensive  cultivation  of 
lands  around  smaller  growing  towns. 

4.  Colonization  projects  in  Alaska  for  developing  vari- 

ous extractive  industries. 

Action  of  some  sort  is  eminently  desirable  in  this 
country,  especially  in  view  of  the  fact  that  other 
countries  have  already  taken  steps  to  these  ends. 

PROVISION   IN    OTHER    COUNTRIES 

The  settlement  of  soldiers  on  land  has  been  a 
problem  much  considered  in  all  of  the  warring 
nations.  Although  the  plans  are  just  only  being 
tried  out  for  the  first  time  in  many  cases,  they 
are  suggestive  of  the  trend  that  land-settlement 
laws  are  taking. 

In  1918  a  law  was  enacted  in  France  "provid- 
ing for  the  acquisition  of  small  rural  properties  by 
soldier  and  civilian  victims  of  the  war.  It  pro- 
vides in  part  for  'individual  mortgage  loans  to 
facilitate  acquisition,  parceling  out,  transforma- 
tion, and  reconstitution  of  small  rural  properties 
of  which  the  value  does  not  exceed  10,000  francs.' 
The  loans  are  to  be  made  from  the  agricultural 
lending  societies  at  a  rate  of  1  per  cent,  with  a 
term  of  twenty-five  years.  Advances  for  im- 
provements are  provided  for  and  a  special  com- 
mission is  appointed  to  administer  the  law."  1 

1  Work  and  Homes  for   Our  Fighting  Men,  U.  S.  Reclamation 
Service,  1919  (pamphlet). 

105 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

In  the  United  Kingdom,  as  well  as  in  the  ma- 
jority of  its  dominions  and  states,  acts  providing 
for  land  settlement  for  ex-soldiers  have  been 
passed  or  formulated.  Large  sums  of  money 
have  already  been  appropriated  for  the  purchase, 
improvement,  and  development  of  land.  In  some 
cases  the  crown  lands  are  to  be  used  and  in 
other  private  lands  are  to  be  bought.  Table 
III  indicates  some  of  the  general  provisions  of 
the  legislation. 

Over  $133,000,000  has  been  appropriated  and  in 
two  Australian  states  alone  2,060,000  acres  have 
been  set  aside.  The  size  of  the  individual  hold- 
ings varies  from  10  to  160  acres. 

In  some  cases  the  land  is  given  outright,  in 
others  the  settler  must  help  bear  the  cost  of 
surveys  and  improvement.  The  third  plan  is 
that  of  a  lease,  usually  with  an  option  to  buy, 
varying  in  different  states.  Whatever  the  terms 
of  settlement  are,  in  most  cases  the  ex-soldier 
can  meet  his  obligations  because  of  the  easy 
terms  by  which  he  can  borrow  money  from  the 
government.  Although  the  maximum  amount  is 
limited,  the  rate  of  interest  is  low  in  most  cases 
and  the  term  of  years,  with  one  exception,  twenty 
years  or  more.  Although  some  farming  experi- 
ence is  required,  in  almost  every  law,  there  is 
provision  for  a  demonstration  farm.  Here  the 
prospective  farmers  can  learn  scientific  farming, 
usually  getting  paid  for  their  work  in  the  interval. 

106 


Soldier  Settlement  Plaj 


Act 

Aid  Given 

Country 

Maximum 
Amount 

Time 

Interest, 
Per  Cent 

Apprc 

Dominion  of  Can- 
ada2 

August  29,  1917 

$2,500  * 

20  equal  pay- 
ments 

5 

$2,9 

Ontario 

No.  150,  1916 

$500  t 

20  years 

6 

$5,0 

British  Columbia. 

6  Geo.  V.  59, 1916 

X  t 

20  years 

5 

$500,00* 

New  Brunswick.  . 

6  Geo.  V.  9,  1916 

$500to$l,500f 

20  years 

5 

Australia 

1917  Conference 

X 

X 

t 

$100 

New  South  Wales 

No.    21,   1916; 
amended,  1917 

$2,500 

Lease 

2K  on  capi- 
tal value 

October  22,  1917 

$2,500 

31 K  years 

6 

$11, 

Queensland 

1917 

$2,500  build- 
ings; $3,500 
equipment 

40  years;    25 
years;      10 
years;   per- 
petual 

3K  to  5; 
IK  on 
capital 
value 

$5 

South  Australia. . 

1916,  7,  Geo.  V. 

$2,400 

21  years 

4 

$2; 

New  Zealand 

6  Geo.  V.  45,  1916; 
amended,  1917 

o 

$3,( 

Geo.  V.  20;  1916-17 

$2,500 

21  years 

3K  to  5 

$7, 

United  Kingdom. 

6  and  7  Geo.  V.,  c 
38 

$10,000, 

for 

Union    of    South 
Africa 

1912;   amended 
1917 

$1,250;    $25  a 
month    to 
families 

3K    years   to 
7  years 

4K 

1  Tabulated  from  table  compiled  by  United  States  Reclamation  Service,  Work  and  H 

2  From  Canada  comes  the  news  that  at  the  end  of  January,  1921,  20,000  soldiers  hav( 
soon  get  the  land.  Although  the  men  have  25  years  to  pay  off  their  land  debt,  several  h 
in  government  soldiers'  grants. 

*  Security  reauired. 

t  In  addition  to  Dominion  advance. 

t  Amount  not  specified. 

°  Sufficient  for  clearing. 


ED    KlXGDOM    AND    PROVINCES  l 


Acres  Assigned 

Tenure 

Training 
Needed 

Demon- 
stration 

Farm 
Provided 

Total 

Individual 
Holdings 

Capital 
Desirable 

rtain  dominion  lands 

160 

Free  grant 

Yes 

Yes 

Yes 

100 

Patent  given  in  5  years 

Yes 

Yes 

Yes 

160 

Free  grant 

No 

20,000 

10-100 

Free  grant 

Yes 

Yes 

1,500,000 

Perpetual  lease 

Yes 

Yes 

Yes 

,000  wheat-growing, 

Purchase  in  31>2  years 

Yes 

lus  irrigated  lands 

560,000 

Perpetual  lease  only 

Yes 

No 

10,000 

Perpetual  lease 

Yes 

Yes 

276,000 

Lease  66  years,  or  free- 
hold 

Yes 

100 

99-year  lease;   or  pur- 
chase after  10  years 

Yes 

Yes 

60,000 

Leased 

Yes 

Yes 

ids  purchased  not  to 

Lease  for  5  years  and 
option    of  purchase, 
with  20  years  to  pay 

Yes 

xceed  ?7,500  for  each 
ettler   who    provides 
ne  fifth  of  price 

ighting  Men,  1919,  p.  20-21  (pamphlet). 

and  that  42,000  of  59,000  applicants  for  land  grants  have  been  declared  qualified  and  will 

ready  paid  in  full.     The  Canadian  soldiers  have  received  2,000,000  acres  of  farming  land 


VII 

A   LAND    POLICY 

Most  of  the  land-reform  programs,  beginning 
with  those  of  the  extreme  conservatives,  laissez- 
faire  theorists  of  various  schools,  and  ending 
with  those  of  the  extreme  radicals,  anarchists, 
and  socialists  of  various  leanings,  are  primarily 
concerned  with  the  question  of  land  ownership. 

WIDE   RANGE   IN   PROGRAMS 

These  programs  might  be,  in  the  main,  classified 
as  follows: 

I.  Private  land  ownership: 

A.  Large-scale  ownership,  subject  to  no  public  inter- 
ference. 

B.  Small-scale  ownership,  limited  and  regulated  by 
public  authority. 

II.  Public  land  ownership : 

A.  Secured  by 

1.  Confiscation,  by  revolutionary  action. 

2.  Purchase,  by  land  bond  issues. 

3.  Taxation,  by  the  single  tax. 

B.  Forms  of  public  ownership: 

1.  Nationalization;  national  ownership.    In  the 
United  States  it  would  be  Federal  ownership. 
107 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

2.  Provincial  ownership.  In  the  United  States 
it  would  be  state  ownership,  and  in  Switzer- 
land canton  ownership. 

3.  Municipalization  or  communalization;  land 
owned  by  cities  and  communities  in  the  rural 
districts. 

4.  Nobody's  ownership;  free  to  all,  except  that 
the  public  takes  the  ground  value  (irrespec- 
tive of  improvements)  through  the  single  tax, 
from  the  land  users,  which  practically  means 
a  disguised  form  of  public  ownership,  or  at 
least  a  condition  very  near  it. 

C.  Methods  of  use: 

1.  Parceling  the  public  land  into  homesteads  of 
one-family  size,  and  reselling  these  to  the  cul- 
tivators on  the  basis  of  individual  fee  simple. 

2.  Giving  the  homesteads  to  cultivators  on  the 
basis  of  perpetual  leasehold. 

3.  Public  cultivation,  either  direct  or  through 
communes  or  co-operative  associations. 

Comparing  these  programs  one  with  another 
and  with  the  existing  conditions,  one  reaches  the 
following  conclusions:  All  the  programs  tend  to 
treat  the  land  problem  merely  as  a  question  of 
ownership.  Each  favors  a  specific  form  of  owner- 
ship almost  as  an  all-inclusive  remedy  for  defects 
in  social  relations  so  far  as  they  depend  upon  land 
cultivation  and  land  use.  The  argument  is  based 
upon  reasoning,  a  mere  logical  calculation,  and 
on  what  the  authors  of  the  program  desire.  The 
existing  conditions  and  tendencies  are  much 
more  varied  and  complex  than  they  seem  to 
appear  to  the  land  reformers. 

108 


A  LAND  POLICY 

First,  there  is  nothing  new  or  untried  in  these 
programs,  for  almost  all  the  advocated  forms  of 
land  ownership  are  already  existing  side  by  side. 
It  seems  that  no  one  single  form  is  able  to  rem- 
edy the  defects  in  the  land  situation.  We  have 
in  this  country  national  (Federal),  provincial 
(state),  and  municipal  or  communal  ownership, 
with  small-scale  private  ownership  predominat- 
ing. We  also  have  special  land  taxation,  as,  for 
instance,  in  certain  cities  that  tax  unimproved 
land  higher  than  improved  land.  These  existing 
forms  of  land  ownership  are  competing  with  one 
another.  The  forms  which  allow  more  efficient 
cultivation,  result  in  greater  social  stability,  and 
are  based  on  social  justice  will  be  the  winners  in 
the  march  of  the  economic  and  social  progress  of 
the  country. 

The  bold  claim  of  Marxian  or  German  So- 
cialism that  large  private  land  ownership,  errone- 
ously identified  with  cultivation  on  a  large  scale, 
is  going  to  prevail  through  absorption  of  small 
private  land  ownership  is  rapidly  losing  ground. 
The  small  landowners  are  able  to  enjoy,  through 
co-operation,  all  the  technical  advantages  of  large- 
scale  cultivation,  retaining  as  well  the  advan- 
tages resulting  from  individual  initiative  and 
efficiency.  There  is  a  marked  movement  toward 
co-operation  among  the  small  farmers  the  world 
over.  In  Denmark  it  has  developed  to  the 
highest  degree. 

109 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Second,  mere  land  ownership  is  only  a  part, 
though  a  vital  part,  of  the  problem.  Many  other 
important  things  have  to  be  considered. 

If  a  man  has  land,  but  lacks  capital  or  credit, 
he  is  unable  to  make  economic  use  of  his  land. 
If  he  has  both  land  and  capital,  or  credit,  or  in 
other  terms  purchasing  power,  but  lacks  access 
to  sources  of  supply  in  which  to  buy  seeds,  breed- 
ing stock,  and  implements,  he  still  is  unable  to 
make  use  of  his  land.  If  he  has  at  hand  all  the 
needed  implements,  seeds,  and  stock,  but  lacks 
knowledge  and  experience  in  farming,  he  might 
entirely  fail  in  his  enterprise.  Even  if  he  pos- 
sesses the  necessary  knowledge  and  produces 
grain,  milk,  beef,  and  other  agricultural  products, 
he  must  have  a  market  for  his  products,  be  it 
a  domestic  or  an  international  market.  This 
involves  transportation  facilities,  trade  organiza- 
tion and  regulation,  tariff,  and  other  forms  of 
organized  international  relationships,  economic 
and  political. 

Moreover,  land  cultivation  requires  social  sta- 
bility, security,  and  order,  for  an  investment  in 
land  improvements  must  wait  long  for  its  returns. 
If  a  man  does  not  know  who  is  going  to  harvest 
his  fields,  or  who  is  going  to  get  the  product  of 
his  toil,  he  will  be  disinclined  to  sow  anything. 
A  striking  illustration  of  such  a  state  is  the  case 
of  the  western  provinces  of  the  Russian  Empire, 

where  the  battle  lines  for  several   years   were 

no 


A  LAND  POLICY 

surging  back  and  forth.  First  the  Russian  mon- 
archy collected  the  farm  products,  then  came  the 
Germans,  then  came  the  civil  warfare.  When 
there  is  no  security  for  a  land  cultivator,  neither 
for  his  products  nor  his  very  life  itself,  there 
can  be  no  production.  There  is  land  enough 
and  there  are  cultivators  enough,  but  the  popu- 
lation starves  because  of  unsettled  political  and 
international  conditions. 

PLENTY    OF   LAND 

In  considering  the  land  situation  as  it  exists,  it 
is  true  that  the  ownership  of  land  or,  rather,  the 
access  to  land,  is  of  primary  importance.  The 
question  arises,  Is  there  enough  land  in  the 
United  States  for  all  citizens  who  desire  to  become 
cultivators? 

The  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  Mr.  Lane,  states1 
that  more  than  15,000,000  acres  of  irrigable  lands 
remain  in  the  hands  of  the  United  States  govern- 
ment. There  are  between  70,000,000  and  80,- 
000,000  acres  of  swamp  and  overflowed  lands  in 
the  United  States  of  which  about  60,000,000 
acres  can  be  reclaimed  for  agricultural  purposes, 
and  there  are  about  200,000,000  acres  of  cut- 
over  or  logged-off  lands  which  are  suitable  for 
agricultural  development. 

1  Reclamation  Record,  Department  of  the  Interior,  Washington, 
D.  C.,  July,  1918,  p.  306. 

Ill 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Although  it  might  be  questioned  how  much  of 
these  unused  lands  are  economically  available 
under  normal  conditions — for  no  rigid  investiga- 
tion has  been  made — still  the  fact  remains  that 
unused  lands — swamps  and  deserts,  cut-over  and 
burned-over  lands— are  being  continually  im- 
proved and  taken  under  cultivation  by  private 
and  public  effort.  Not  one  land  improvement 
and  colonization  company  visited  by  the  writer 
complained  of  lack  of  land.  All  the  companies 
seemed  to  want  more  settlers  and  more  credit. 
This  fact  indicates  that  there  is  economically 
available  land  in  our  country,  and  probably 
plenty  of  it,  for  a  normal  process  of  reclamation 
and  colonization. 

PUBLIC   REGULATION   OF   LAND   DEALING 

In  the  field  investigation,  the  main  questions  of 
immigrants  desiring  to  settle  on  land  seemed  to 
be  where  to  find  land  of  the  "right  kind,"  and 
how,  in  acquiring  it,  to  avoid  being  cheated  by 
private  land  sellers.  The  questions  as  to  whether 
there  was  land  available  and  what  its  price  was 
were  of  minor  importance.  In  many  cases  the 
immigrants  had  been  employed  in  war  industries 
and  had  saved  money  enough  to  buy  a  farm,  but 
they  were  unable  to  decide  where  to  settle  and 
what  kind  of  land  to  buy  because  they  feared 
land  sellers.    Their  experience  with  these  agents 

112 


A  LAND  POLICY 

had  awakened  an  almost  universal  fear  of  private 
land  dealers. 

To  facilitate  the  access  to  land,  the  private 
land-dealing  trade  must  be  put  upon  a  higher 
level.  There  must  be  Federal  legislation  regulat- 
ing land  dealers  doing  business  in  two  or  more 
states,  state  legislation  for  dealers  doing  business 
within  one  state  only,  and  municipal  legislation 
for  the  land  dealers  doing  business  within  the 
city  limits  only.  Through  co-operation  of  these 
governments  uniformity  of  such  legislation  can 
be  secured  and  maintained  so  far  as  various  local 
conditions  and  peculiarities  allow. 

Such  regulative  legislation  should  aim  at  doing 
away  with  misrepresentation  and  frauds  in  land 
dealing.  As  an  effective  assistance  in  the  en- 
forcement of  the  laws  all  private  land  dealers 
should  be  licensed,  interstate  dealers  by  the 
Federal,  state  dealers  by  the  state,  and  city 
dealers  by  the  city  governments.  By  refusing  or 
recalling  licenses  a  considerable  number  of  land 
sharks — get-rich-quick  charlatans  in  the  real- 
estate  business — can  be  sifted  out  of  the  trade 
and  the  necessary  confidence  on  the  part  of  land 
seekers  can  be  secured. 

According  to  a  report  made  in  191C  by  the 
Committee  on  State  Legislation  of  the  National 
Association  of  Real  Estate  Boards,  a  sentiment 
was  then  growing  in  most  parts  of  the  country 
favoring  the  enactment  of  laws  for  the  regulation 

113 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

of  real-estate  brokerages  under  state  authority. 
This  sentiment  is  still  growing,  and  the  secretary 
of  the  association  says  that  realtors  in  several 
states  continue  to  introduce  bills  in  their  legis- 
latures with  the  belief  that  it  will  be  possible  to 
pass  them. 

In  only  one  state  has  such  a  law  passed.  The 
state  of  Wisconsin  enacted  a  law  in  1919 x  which 
provides  for  the  establishment  of  a  state  real- 
estate  brokers'  board  consisting  of  three  mem- 
bers, at  least  two  of  whom  are  real-estate  brokers 
in  the  state,  appointed  by  the  Governor.  The 
Director  of  Immigration,  Department  of  Agri- 
culture, acts  as  secretary  to  the  board.  The 
latter  issues  licenses  to  the  real-estate  brokers 
and  salesmen  doing  business  in  the  state.  An 
annual  license  fee  of  ten  dollars  from  a  broker 
and  five  dollars  from  a  salesman  is  required. 
License  may  be  refused  or  revoked  by  the  board 
for  misstatement  in  application,  for  fraud  or 
fraudulent  practices,  for  untrustworthiness  or  in- 
competence in  real-estate  business. 

The  board  receives  complaints  against  any 
real-estate  broker  or  salesman.  It  may  conduct 
hearings  and  investigations,  subpoena  and  com- 
pel the  attendance  and  testimony  of  witnesses 
and  production  of  documents,  books  and  papers. 
The  board  shall,  from  time  to  time,  publish  the 
names  of  licensed  real-estate  brokers  and  sales- 

1  Wisconsin  Statutes,  Chap.  656,  Laws  of  1919,  Sect.  1636-225. 

114 


A  LAND   POLICY 

men,  with  information  as  to  when  each  license 
expires.  The  publication  shall  include  the  names 
of  those  real-estate  brokers  and  salesmen  whose 
licenses  have  been  revoked  at  any  time  within  one 
year  prior  to  the  time  of  the  issue  of  publication. 

This  Wisconsin  Real  Estate  Licensing  law  has 
been  in  operation  a  year.  Mr.  B.  G.  Packer, 
Director  of  Immigration,  and  secretary  to  the 
Real  Estate  Brokers'  Board,  gave  to  the  writer 
the  following  information  in  regard  to  the  re- 
sults of  the  operation  of  the  law  so  far. 

This  law  requires  registration  of  all  real-estate 
brokers  and  salesmen  doing  business  in  the  state. 
In  the  past  there  was  no  way  to  tell  who  they 
were  or  where  located.  The  license  is  good  for 
one  year,  and  thereupon  a  new  application  must 
be  made.  This  gives  the  board  a  check  on  the 
dealer's  operations  the  preceding  year.  The 
board  requires  him  to  cite  all  legal  actions  aris- 
ing out  of  his  real  -  estate  business  whether  he 
was  plaintiff  or  defendant. 

It  is  a  common  practice  with  some  dealers  to 
take  a  judgment  note  for  commission  which  can 
be  entered  up  without  process  and  execution 
levied  against  the  property  of  the  defendants. 
The  defendant  can  open  up  the  judgment  and 
put  in  a  defense  if  he  can  show  misrepresentation 
and  fraud.  This  year,  when  several  applicants 
applied  for  new  licenses,  the  board  found  this 
condition  and  the  licenses  were  refused. 

9  115 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  applicant  for  license  must  show  affirma- 
tively that  he  is  trustworthy  and  competent. 
In  the  past  the  state  took  no  pains  to  find  this 
out.  The  licensing  board  operates  as  a  poor 
man's  court  of  redress  in  transactions  arising 
out  of  the  land  business.  In  the  past  the  pur- 
chaser's remedy  was  a  more  or  less  satisfactory 
suit  at  law. 

The  licensing  board  can  make  investigations 
and  hold  hearings  on  its  own  motion.  In  the 
past  the  initiative  had  to  be  taken  by  the  party 
claiming  deception. 

Last  year  the  board  granted  licenses  to  4,600 
brokers  and  salesmen,  denied  20  applications,  re- 
voked 2  licenses,  and  has  at  present  60  hearings 
pending  on  applications  for  licenses  in  1921. 

The  Wisconsin  license  law  does  not  reach  the 
owner  who  has  worthless  land  to  unload  upon 
an  unsophisticated  purchaser.  Besides  this,  the 
law  has  other  limitations.  But  nevertheless  it  is 
a  step  ahead. 

Pennsylvania,  the  Southern  states,  and  cities 
in  many  parts  of  the  country  have  required  a 
license  fee  or  an  occupation  tax  from  real-estate 
men,  but  such  laws  do  not  regulate,  because,  as 
the  above-mentioned  report  states,  "no  matter 
how  high  the  fee,  the  usual  run  of  licensing  or 
prosecuting  official  will  not  use  his  authority  to 
establish  moral  standards."  Furthermore,  "in 
New  York  and  most  Northern  and  Western  states, 

116 


A  LAND  POLICY 

even  the  slight  check  of  the  occupation  tax  is 
absent  and  there  is  no  formality  to  be  observed 
in  entering  our  profession  by  any  person,  no 
matter  how  unreliable,  irresponsible,  or  incapable, 
and  whatever  his  record." 

After  agitation  covering  a  period  of  twelve 
years,  the  real-estate  brokers  of  California 
succeeded  in  1917  in  having  enacted  a  law 
for  the  regulation  of  real-estate  brokerage. 
In  1918  this  law  was  declared  unconstitutional 
by  the  Supreme  Court,  on  the  ground  that  in- 
surance men  were  exempted  by  the  wording  of 
the  act  and  that  such  exemption  made  the  law 
discriminatory. 

The  Real  Estate  Commissioner  of  the  state 
gives  the  following  synopsis  of  the  law: 

The  act  "provides  for  the  issuance  of  licenses  to  two 
classes  of  persons — the  broker  himself,  who,  in  addition  to 
taking  out  a  license,  is  required  to  put  up  a  bond  running  to 
the  state  of  California,  and  the  salesman,  who  is  defined  as 
one  in  the  employ  of  a  licensed  broker  and  ...  is  not  required 
to  put  up  a  bond."  The  act  is  administered  by  a  Real  Estate 
Commissioner  appointed  by  the  Governor.  Upon  petition  to 
the  Real  Estate  Commissioner  appointed  by  those  aggrieved 
in  their  dealings  with  brokers  or  salesmen,  a  hearing  is  pro- 
vided before  the  commissioner,  and  upon  proper  showing 
the  petitioner  may  be  granted  the  privilege  of  suing  the 
broker  on  his  bond.  .  . .  There  is  also  a  provision  for  the  filing 
of  complaints  against  brokers  and  salesmen  concerning  their 
conduct  and,  upon  investigation,  if  found  guilty,  the  com- 
missioner is  empowered  to  revoke  their  licenses.  The  law 
provides  a  heavy  penalty  for  a  broker — a  fine  of  $2,000  or  a 
prison  sentence  of  two  years — and  in  the  case  of  corpora- 

117 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

tions,  a  maximum  fine  of  $5,000.  The  fees  for  licenses 
are,  for  brokers,  $10  per  annum,  and  for  salesmen,  $2 
per  annum. 

The  operation  of  the  law  appears  to  have  been 
extremely  successful  and  to  have  been  heartily 
indorsed  by  the  public  generally  and  by  all  the 
reliable  real-estate  dealers  and  salesmen  in  the 
state.  The  Real  Estate  Commissioner  gives  the 
following  picture  of  the  results  of  the  law  during 
the  eight  months  it  was  in  force: 

1.  It  gave  the  realtors  faith  in  each  other,  each  being 
under  bond  and  licensed  by  the  commissioner  with  power  of 
revocation  in  case  of  violation  of  the  law. 

2.  It  increased  the  confidence  of  the  public  generally  in 
the  realty  business,  for  the  law  afforded  the  public  a  ready 
and  inexpensive  means  of  redress  in  case  of  wrongdoing. 

3.  During  the  eight  months,  some  sixty  complaints  were 
filed  with  the  commissioner,  and  all  were  adjusted  without 
even  a  formal  hearing  up  to  the  time  the  law  was  thrown 
out,  March,  1918.  Some  twenty-five  hundred  dollars  was 
returned  to  defrauded  purchasers  through  appeals  to  the 
commissioner. 

4.  The  deterrent  effect  of  the  law  on  wrongdoers  will 
never  be  known,  but  must  have  been  far-reaching. 

5.  So  satisfactory  was  the  law  that  the  public,  the  bankers, 
and  especially  the  realtors,  are  preparing  again  to  present  to 
the  legislature  during  the  winter  of  1918-19  a  more  carefully 
worded  law  governing  the  realty  business. 

One  of  the  services  rendered  by  the  Depart- 
ment of  the  Real  Estate  Commissioner  was  the 
issue  of  a  directory  of  licensed  real-estate  brokers 
and  salesmen  in  the  state.  The  first  copy  was 
published  October  1,  1917,  and  contained  about 

118 


A  LAND  POLICY 

four  thousand  names,  as  well  as  other  material 
such  as  maps,  laws,  and  legal  opinions,  designed 
to  be  of  practical  value  to  all  realtors.  It  was 
intended  that  this  directory  be  issued  quarterly 
and  be  distributed  to  licensed  brokers,  with  a 
subscription  price  to  others  of  one  dollar  a 
year.  The  commissioner  regarded  this  direc- 
tory bulletin  which  bound  together  in  frater- 
nalism  the  real-estate  men  of  the  state,  as  only 
one  of  the  many  possibilities  of  extending  valu- 
able aids  through  his  department  to  the  real- 
estate  profession,  and  so  indirectly  to  the  agri- 
cultural industry. 

Although  there  have  been  attempts  in  other 
states  to  secure  legislation,  so  far  they  have  been 
unsuccessful.  In  essentials  they  have  resembled 
the  California  law,  although  differing  in  details, 
such  as  amounts  of  bonds,  fees,  and  penalties. 
In  Minnesota,  several  years  ago,  the  State  Immi- 
gration Commission  was  instrumental  in  intro- 
ducing a  land-regulation  bill  which  was  killed  by 
the  efforts  of  the  land  dealers. 

In  1914  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  Real 
Estate  Association  of  New  York  submitted  for 
the  consideration  of  the  association  a  bill  for  the 
licensing  of  real-estate  brokers  and  the  creation 
of  a  real-estate  commission.  In  1916  a  bill  similar 
to  this  one  was  introduced  in  the  legislature  of 
the  state  of  New  Y^ork,  but  failed  of  passage.  In 
Texas  a  bill  was  approved  by  the  Texas  Realty 

119 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Association,  but  was  not  enacted  into  law.  In 
addition  to  efforts  for  legislation  in  the  states 
there  have  been  national  recommendations. 

The  Committee  on  State  Legislation  of  the 
National  Association  of  Real  Estate  Exchanges 
in  1913  reported  on  a  bill  for  the  regulation  of  the 
real-estate  business.  The  main  provisions  are  as 
follows : 

A  State  Board  on  Real  Estate  Licenses  shall 
be  established,  consisting  of  five  members,  all 
real-estate  men,  appointed  by  the  Governor,  and 
having  its  headquarters  in  the  state  capitol. 
Every  person  engaged  in  the  real-estate  business 
shall  apply  for  a  license  to  the  board.  The  ap- 
plicant shall  present  proof  that  his  standing  is 
above  reproach  and  that  his  record  for  honesty 
and  fair  dealing  is  clear.  The  applicant  shall  file 
a  satisfactory  bond  in  the  amount  of  $1,000, 
conditioned  on  the  faithful  performance  of  any 
undertaking  as  a  real-estate  broker,  the  bond  to 
be  renewed  with  each  renewal  of  the  annual 
license.  The  fee  for  the  license  shall  be  $10  for 
each  dealer,  firm,  or  corporation,  and  $2.50  for 
each  salesman,  the  fees  to  be,  respectively,  $5 
and  $1  after  the  first  year.  Licenses  shall  expire 
each  year.  The  board  shall  have  power  to  re- 
voke at  any  time  any  license  where  the  holder 
thereof  is  guilty  of  gross  misrepresentation  in 
making  sales,  etc.,  or  of  any  other  conduct  which, 
in  the  opinion  of  the  board,  is  opposed  to  good 

120 


A  LAND  POLICY 

business  morals.  The  board  shall  investigate  all 
complaints;  it  shall  have  power  to  subpoena  wit- 
nesses. Any  person  violating  the  act  shall  be 
fined  not  less  than  the  compensation  or  profit 
received  or  agreed  to,  and  not  more  than  four 
times  that  amount,  or  be  imprisoned  not  more 
than  thirty  days,  or  both. 

The  Legislative  Committee  of  the  Interstate 
Realty  Association  of  the  Pacific  Northwest  has 
proposed  a  real-estate  license  law  for  the  state 
of  Washington,  the  main  provisions  of  which  are 
similar  to  the  others  already  quoted. 

Although  there  has  been  no  successful  state- 
wide provision,  in  Portland,  Oregon,  an  ordinance 
licensing  real-estate  brokers  was  approved  in 
1912,  including  the  salient  features  of  the  pro- 
posed state  laws.  Application  is  made  to  the 
city  auditors,  with  proof  of  the  applicant's 
good  standing  and  square  dealing.  The  Coun- 
cil Committee  on  licenses  has  power  to  re- 
voke or  withhold,  and  penalties  are  provided 
for. 

As  an  example  of  the  occupational  tax  law 
applying  to  the  real-estate  business,  the  law  of 
the  District  of  Columbia  may  be  mentioned. 
The  District  of  Columbia  (1914)  has  a  law  im- 
posing a  license  tax  of  $50  per  annum  on  real- 
estate  brokers  or  agents.  The  assessor  of  the 
District  said  that  the  fee  was  not  large  enough 
to  restrict  character  of  trade,  and  that  the  pay- 

121 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

ment  of  the  fee  was  the  only  qualification  for  a 
license. 

A    PUBLIC    LAND    EXCHANGE 

In  addition  to  the  need  for  honest  dealing  there 
is  everywhere  felt  the  need  of  bringing  farm 
sellers  and  buyers  together  through  a  public 
agency.  Certain  states,  in  co-operation  with  the 
Federal  Department  of  Agriculture,  have  made 
provision  for  doing  this.  For  this  purpose  an 
office  is  created  similar  to  a  public  employment 
office.  It  aims  to  provide  the  farm  sellers  and 
buyers  with  more  or  less  reliable  information 
without  cost  to  either  side. 

In  the  state  of  Maryland  the  Extension  Service 
of  the  state  college,  in  co-operation  with  the 
Federal  Department  of  Agriculture,  has  worked 
out  a  farm-description  blank  for  farm  sellers. 
The  blank  contains  questions  in  regard  to  the 
location  of  the  farm,  its  size,  distance  from  com- 
munication lines,  and  inhabited  places  of  various 
sizes  and  market  facilities,  its  soil,  its  fences, 
buildings,  water  supply,  ownership,  price,  and 
other  points  intended  to  show  the  condition  and 
value  of  the  farm  for  sale.  The  office  distributes 
these  blanks  among  the  county  agents,  from 
whom  the  farm  sellers  secure  the  blanks.  The 
county  agents  forward  the  completed  forms  to 
the  main  state  office,  which  periodically  publishes 

the  collected  information  for  farm  buyers. 

122 


A  LAND  POLICY 

This  information  is  available  to  farm  buyers 
for  the  mere  asking.  Anyone  can  see,  in  the 
state  office  or  in  the  published  volume,  the  blanks 
describing  in  detail  the  farms  for  sale.  In  this 
way  they  can  be  directly  connected  with  the 
seller  of  the  selected  farm,  without  agent's  or 
advertising  cost  to  either  side.  Thus  misrepre- 
sentation can  be  avoided  to  a  certain  degree. 
The  Extension  Service,  however,  does  not  enter 
into  any  financial  arrangement  or  give  any 
guaranties.  Aside  from  the  information  con- 
tained in  the  filled  forms,  it  gives  information 
of  a  general  character  concerning  the  agricultural 
possibilities  of  the  state  and  of  various  sections 
and  localities  in  it.  At  present  the  Service  is 
particularly  interested  in  locating  the  returned 
soldiers. 

As  such  a  public  agency  system  is  of  compara- 
tively recent  origin  and  has  not  had  time  to  de- 
velop, it  is  impossible  to  judge  with  certainty  its 
future  possibilities.  In  theory  the  operation  of 
the  system  seems  to  be  an  easy  matter,  but  in 
practice  it  is  complicated.  The  farmers  who  in- 
tend to  sell  their  holdings  have  to  be  informed  of 
the  work  of  the  office,  and  equally  the  farm 
buyers  have  to  be  acquainted  with  the  plan. 
This  involves  education  of  the  farmers  by  an 
extensive  advertising  campaign,  which  requires 
time  and  expenditure  of  public  money.  How- 
ever, there  is  a  real  need  for  such  a  public  agency 

123 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

and  the  results  of  the  attempts  to  establish  and 
develop  it  have  been  encouraging. 

It  would  be  desirable  that  the  states  which 
have  already  established  or  will  establish  such 
public  agencies  should  co-operate  with  one  an- 
other through  the  Federal  Department  of  Agri- 
culture and,  with  the  assistance  of  the  latter, 
should  organize  a  central  office  as  a  clearing 
house.  Nation-wide  advertisement  should  be 
made  by  the  central  office  for  all  the  states  in 
co-operation.  In  this  way  the  farm  advertise- 
ments would  be  made  more  effective — unneces- 
sary repetitions,  and  the  expenses  connected 
with  these,  would  be  avoided.  Through  inter- 
change of  experiences  a  uniform  system  might  be 
established.  Such  a  central  office,  in  co-opera- 
tion with  the  Immigration  Bureau,  Department 
of  Labor,  should  inform  immigrants  who  desire 
to  establish  rural  homes  of  the  various  farm 
opportunities. 

RECLAMATION   A   SEPARATE   FUNCTION 

Up  to  this  time  both  public  and  private  efforts 
have  been  applied  to  the  reclaiming  of  unused 
lands,  rendering  valuable  service  to  the  progress 
of  the  country.  There  ought,  however,  to  be  no 
question  whether  reclamation  work  should  be  a 
public  or  a  private  enterprise.  If  a  number,  and 
even  a  large  number,  of  the  private  land-develop- 

124 


A  LAND  POLICY 

ment  companies  have  hitherto  mined  in  the 
pockets  of  their  land  buyers  instead  of  in  the 
land  itself,  this  has  been  largely  because  of  the 
lack  of  any  public  regulation  of  private  land- 
improvement  companies.  However,  a  number, 
perhaps  a  majority,  of  the  companies  have  im- 
proved their  land  and  have  secured  settlers  who 
have  made  a  success  in  the  cultivation  of  the 
improved  land.  Therefore  it  would  be  a  grave 
mistake  to  abandon  or  even  to  repress  private 
enterprise  in  land-development  work.  It  should 
be  encouraged  by  the  extension  of  public  credit 
through  the  land  companies  and  by  putting  their 
business  under  public  supervision. 

Where  considerable  areas  have  to  be  reclaimed, 
involving  large  expenditures  and  a  long  period 
of  waiting  for  returns,  public  reclamation  is 
preferable. 

Although  reclamation  and  colonization  work 
are  closely  connected  and  dependent  upon 
each  other,  still  there  is  a  marked  difference. 
It  is  one  thing  to  plan  and  irrigate  a  desert  area 
and  quite  a  different  thing  successfully  to  popu- 
late the  irrigated  land.  The  first  is  mainly  a 
technical  enterprise,  while  the  other  deals  mainly 
with  human  beings.  The  people  who  direct  and 
prosecute  reclamation  works — civil  engineers  and 
other  technical  experts — might  not  be  good 
colonizers.  The  duties  of  the  latter  consist  in 
selecting  suitable  settlers,  directing  their  land- 

125 


A  STAKE   IN  THE  LAND 

cultivation  work,  and  organizing  and  directing 
the  community  life  of  the  settlers.  On  the  other 
hand,  colonizers,  trained  agriculturists,  and  com- 
munity workers  might  not  be  able  successfully 
to  conduct  reclamation  works.  Therefore  these 
two  fields  ought  to  be  recognized  as  distinct  and 
provided  for  separately. 

Almost  all  the  proposed  plans  of  land  settle- 
ment fail  to  make  such  a  distinction.  They  pro- 
pose that  the  same  public  agency  should  acquire 
land,  improve  it,  and  colonize  it.  The  same  is 
true  in  regard  to  most  of  the  private  land-im- 
provement and  colonization  projects.  They  plan 
to  improve  land  and  at  the  same  time  colonize  it, 
which  too  often  consists  merely  in  securing  land 
buyers  and  leaving  the  latter,  after  they  have 
made  their  initial  payment,  entirely  to  their 
own  fate. 

Private  land-improvement  companies  doing 
business  in  two  or  more  states  should  be  brought 
under  the  jurisdiction  of  the  Federal  Reclamation 
Service.  They  should  be  licensed,  their  proj- 
ects approved,  and  their  general  methods  of 
business  regulated.  Private  companies  doing 
business  within  state  or  city  limits  should  be  reg- 
ulated by  state  irrigation  or  drainage  district 
authorities,  with  whom  the  Federal  Reclama- 
tion Service  should  co-operate  in  every  possible 
way. 

In  order  that  the  Federal  Reclamation  Service 

126 


A  LAND  POLICY 

may  be  extended  and  expanded  to  meet  the  grow- 
ing demands,  further  legislation  must  be  passed 
by  Congress.  Liberal  appropriations  are  needed 
both  for  the  acquisition  and  reclamation  of  un- 
used lands  of  different  classes,  as  well  as  for  the 
increase  of  the  staff  and  working  forces  of  the 
Service.  The  bills  under  consideration  were 
discussed  in  Chapter  VI.  The  bill  introduced 
by  Representative  Mondell  of  Wyoming  effec- 
tively provides  for  this  service. 

A   COLONIZATION   BOARD 

The  word  "colonization"  suggests  the  following: 
populating  a  given  unused  area  of  land  suitable 
for  cultivation,  according  to  a  plan  covering  the 
selection  of  people,  the  cultivation  of  the  land, 
providing  credit  and  markets,  instruction  in  land 
cultivation,  planning,  organizing,  and  directing  of 
community  life  in  its  numerous  branches,  such  as 
co-operation  for  various  purposes,  education, 
recreation.  Colonization  work  in  the  modern 
sense  is  a  new,  delicate,  and  complex  field,  for  it 
affects  all  sides  of  human  life. 

There  is  a  wide  difference  of  opinion  the  coun- 
try over  as  to  whether  colonization  should  be  a 
public  affair  or  be  left  to  private  initiative  and 
effort.  Those  who  favor  private  colonization 
claim  that  public  colonization  is  wasteful,  un- 
economical, that  it  puts  a  new  burden  on  the 

127 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

taxpayers,  and  savors  of  Socialism.  Those  who 
favor  public  colonization  maintain  that  private 
colonization  companies  in  the  very  nature  of 
their  endeavors  work  for  their  own  profit,  con- 
sidering the  settlers'  interests  and  public  welfare 
of  secondary  importance.  Colonization  results 
must  not  be  counted  only  in  the  terms  of  money, 
but  also  in  the  terms  of  social  value  to  the  com- 
munity and  to  the  country. 

Again  the  writer  has  to  call  attention  to  the 
fact  that  both  public  and  private  colonization  is 
going  on  side  by  side  all  over  the  world.  In  cer- 
tain foreign  countries  public  colonization  is  pre- 
dominant, while  in  this  country  the  reverse  is 
true.  Only  the  state  of  California  has  under- 
taken public  colonization  as  an  experiment  en  a 
small  scale,  and  so  far  with  success. 

It  would  be  advisable  that  both  public  and 
private  colonization  go  on,  one  competing  with 
the  other  and  learning  from  the  other's  experi- 
ence. Private  companies  must  be  regulated  and 
licensed  by  public  authorities,  and  public  credit 
should  be  extended  to  them.  All  this  requires 
that  the  colonization  work  be  organized  on  a 
nation-wide  scale. 

To  meet  the  national  need  there  should  be 
established  an  interdepartmental  Federal  colo- 
nization board  with  the  following  duties: 

(1)  To  make  community  plans.  This  would 
involve  the  location  of  settlements,  their  roads 

128 


A  LAND  POLICY 

and  building  sites;  plans  for  division  of  land  into 
farms;  plans  for  erection  of  farm  buildings;  plans 
for  town  sites  and  buildings  as  colony  centers, 
parks  as  playgrounds,  etc.,  all  to  be  surveyed 
and  put  in  working  shape  by  the  Reclamation 
Service,  Department  of  the  Interior. 

(2)  To  select  suitable  people  for  settlement  on 
the  lands  acquired  and  improved  by  the  Rec- 
lamation Service,  with  the  preference  to  be 
given  to  former  soldiers. 

(3)  To  distribute  the  selected  immigrant  set- 
tlers of  non-English  mother  tongue,  including 
soldiers,  having  in  mind  the  need  of  mixing  dif- 
ferent races  with  the  native  settlers  so  as  to  facili- 
tate the  process  of  incorporating  all  into  Ameri- 
can life. 

(4)  To  plan  and  organize  the  economic  life  of 
the  colonies.  This  means  the  introduction  of, 
and  instruction  in,  farming  and  methods  of  cul- 
tivation suitable  to  the  land,  climate,  and  other 
conditions  surrounding  the  colony,  the  organiza- 
tion of  buying  and  selling  co-operation  in  the 
colonies,  provision  of  markets,  etc. 

(5)  To  plan  and  organize  the  educational, 
recreational,  and  general  community  life  of  the 
colonies — schools,  libraries,  lectures,  games,  etc. 

(6)  To  regulate  and  license  or  charter  private 
colonization  companies. 

Among  the  policies  of  the  Colonization  Board 
a  very  prominent  one  should  be  a  proper  distribu- 

129 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

tion  of  the  immigrant  settlers.  Owing  to  the 
lack  of  any  public  plan  or  measures  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  immigrants  in  the  country  in  the 
past  the  results  have  been  astonishing.  The 
Little  Polands,  Italics,  ghettos,  Germanies,  and 
others  in  our  great  industrial  centers  are  well 
known,  though  the  word  "Little"  is  not  appli- 
cable in  every  case.  It  is  especially  inapplicable 
where  the  compact  immigrant  settlements  exceed 
in  numbers  the  largest  cities  of  their  home  coun- 
tries. For  instance,  according  to  the  last  census 
figures,  there  were  in  the  city  of  New  York 
more  Italians  (including  their  children)  than 
the  population  of  Rome,  more  Germans  than 
in  Cologne,  about  as  many  Irish  as  the  popula- 
tion of  Dublin  and  Belfast  together,  and  about 
three  times  as  many  Jews  as  there  were  in  the 
British  Empire. 

All  this  is  already  known  to  the  public  at 
large.  What  is  not  popularly  known  is  the  fact 
that  there  are  foreign  provinces  in  the  agricul- 
tural sections  of  the  country.  There  whole 
counties  and  even  a  number  of  neighboring 
counties  are  populated  by  immigrants  of  the 
same  race  and  nationality.  Such  provinces  have 
become  self-sufficient;  thev  have  their  own 
towns,  their  own  schools,  churches,  industries, 
stores,  select  local  public  officials  of  their  own 
nationality,  speak  their  own  tongue,  and  live 
according  to  the  traditions  and  spirit  of  their 

130 


A  LAND  POLICY 

home  country.  These  traditions  and  this  spirit 
are  kept  alive  by  their  schools,  churches,  and  li- 
braries, and  by  the  absence  of  any  direct  contact 
with  American  customs  and  traditions.  From 
such  localities  came  a  considerable  number  of 
the  American-born  drafted  men  who  could  not 
speak,  write,  or  even  understand  English. 

Such  foreign  provinces  in  the  rural  sections  of 
the  country  are  principally  found  in  the  North 
Middle  Western  states  and  Western  states. 
When  the  writer,  during  his  field  investigation, 
arrived  in  such  localities — for  instance,  in  the 
southwestern  part  of  North  Dakota — he  found 
that  the  townspeople,  business  men,  and  public 
officials,  as  a  rule,  understood  English,  but  spoke 
German  or  Scandinavian  among  themselves.  In 
talking  with  any  man  in  the  street  the  writer 
had  to  resort  to  the  man's  mother  tongue,  while 
the  farmers  back  in  the  countrv,  as  a  rule,  did 
not  speak  English  at  all.  Yet  many  of  them 
were  born  in  this  country. 

On  the  whole,  the  impression  of  the  writer  was 
that  the  larger  the  rural  immigrant  colony,  the 
less  it  showed  evidences  of  American  influences. 
This  was  quite  apparent  in  regard  to  the  Slavic 
and  especially  the  Polish  colonies  visited  by  the 
writer  in  a  number  of  states. 

The  immigrants  already  settled  in  large  colo- 
nies of  one  nationality  cannot  be  redistributed, 
but  they  can  be  reached  by  other  means,  one  of 

10  131 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

which  is  an  efficient  public-school  system,  which 
is  dealt  with  in  later  chapters. 

Measures  should  be  undertaken  for  the  dis- 
tribution of  the  new  immigrant  settlers  so  as  to 
avoid  their  congregation  in  large  colonies  of  only 
one  nationality.  The  experience  of  private 
land  dealers  and  colonization  companies  shows 
that  it  is  not  wise  to  settle  a  single  immigrant 
family  among  native  settlers  or  the  settlers  of 
another  nationality.  Such  a  family  becomes  lone- 
some and  sooner  or  later  leaves  the  settlement. 
Therefore  the  immigrants  must  be  settled  in 
groups  according  to  their  nationalities. 

The  question  is,  how  large  such  national  groups 
must  be  in  order  to  keep  the  settlers  in  the  colony 
and  at  the  same  time  to  avoid  their  becoming 
clannish  and  remaining  untouched  by  American 
influences  for  a  generation  or  a  number  of  genera- 
tions. The  observation  of  the  writer  and  his 
interviews  on  this  question  with  the  people  en- 
gaged in  colonization  have  led  him  to  the  con- 
clusion that  such  groups  ought  to  be  of  from  five 
to  fifteen  families  each,  settled  in  the  same 
neighborhood  among  either  groups  of  other 
nationalities  or  native  settlers. 

Such  distribution  of  the  immigrant  settlers 
in  smaller  groups  is  favored  by  the  immigrants 
themselves.  As  a  rule,  they  are  eager  to  learn 
American  ways  as  soon  as  possible,  and  usually 
accede  with  alacrity  to  distribution,  provided  no 

132 


A  LAND  POLICY 

violent  compulsion  is  used  and  they  are  directed 
to  land  where  they  are  able  to  make  a  success  by 
their  investment  and  toil,  without  being  cheated 
or  exploited.  The  writer  discussed  the  size  of  a 
rural  immigrant  group  of  the  same  nationality  in 
a  number  of  the  immigrant  colonies.  The  set- 
tlers, even  the  Russian  sectarian  peasants,  be- 
lieved that  if  there  were  not  less  than  five 
families  in  one  group  no  loneliness  would  be 
experienced.  If  there  were  no  more  than  ten  or 
fifteen  families  there  would  be  no  danger  of  their 
becoming  clannish  and  self-sufficient,  for  they 
would  of  necessity  have  to  deal  with  other 
groups  and  intermingle  with  them  for  both 
business  and  social  purposes. 

A  rigid  selection  of  settlers  on  the  basis  of 
their  ability  to  farm  and  to  stay  on  the  farm  is 
of  prime  importance.  Among  the  applicants 
for  farms  in  new  colonies  there  are  three  main 
classes  of  people,  each  distinct  from  the  others: 
(1)  those  who  have  experience,  knowledge,  and 
otherwise  ability  for  land  cultivation  and  the 
capacity  for  sticking  to  a  job.  These  should  be 
selected  and  will  contribute  to  the  success  of  the 
colony,  which  ultimately  depends  upon  the  set- 
tlers themselves;  (2)  those  who  are  hunters  for 
easy  pickings  in  the  way  of  a  piece  of  property  or 
for  an  opportunity  for  safe  investment  or  for 
speculation.  These  should  be  avoided  as  the 
plague;    and  (3)  those  who  are  not  suited  for 

133 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

rural  life  and  heavy  toil  on  the  land,  mostly  city 
people  who  dream  of  changing  their  life  for  im- 
provement of  their  health  in  the  country,  for  an 
independent  life,  or  for  an  easy-going  life,  of 
fresh  air,  sunshine,  flowers,  and  birds.  Such 
people  are  not  able  to  make  a  success  of  farming 
and  should  be  avoided.  These  classes  of  appli- 
cants are  found  among  immigrants  as  well  as 
among  natives,  soldiers,  and  civilians. 

How  important  the  selection  of  settlers  is  for 
the  success  of  colonization  and  settlement  on  land 
is  shown  by  the  close  scrutiny  of  prospective 
settlers  made  by  the  agents  of  modern  private 
colonization  companies  and  also  by  certain  state 
immigration  officials.  They  ask  an  applicant 
about  his  supply  of  money  or  credit,  about  his 
experience,  about  his  past  in  detail,  his  habits, 
his  inclinations,  and  his  aspirations.  They  judge 
him  by  his  appearance,  his  physique,  and  his 
health.  He  is  also  questioned  about  his  family 
life;  special  attention  is  given  to  the  attitude  of 
his  wife  toward  rural  life,  her  past  experience, 
the  probability  of  her  being  satisfied  and  able  to 
stay  permanently  on  the  farm  and  carry  the 
heavy  burdens  of  a  farmer's  wife.  Finally,  the 
prospective  settler  is  warned  of  the  existing  con- 
ditions in  the  colony,  of  the  heavy  toil  and  the 
difficulties,  and  of  the  long  period  of  waiting 
which  must  elapse  before  he  can  enjoy  the  results 

of  his  investment  and  labors.    Selection  made  in 

184 


A  LAND   POLICY 

this  way  will  guarantee  the  success  of  a  coloniza- 
tion enterprise,  be  it  public  or  private. 

EXTENSION    OF   PUBLIC    CREDIT 

A  last  measure  which  is  extremely  important  and 
must  not  be  overlooked  in  any  planning  for  land 
settlement  is  the  extension  of  public  credit  to 
settlers  through  the  Federal  Farm  Loan  Board. 
This,  of  course,  applies  not  only  to  the  settlers  in 
the  colonies  established  by  the  Federal  Coloniza- 
tion Board,  but  also  to  those  of  private  colo- 
nization companies  regulated  and  chartered  by 
the  Colonization  Board,  and  to  individual  set- 
tlers. There  must  be  certain  safeguards  against 
loss.  To  accomplish  this  there  could  be  estab- 
lished a  settlers'  credit  division  in  the  Federal 
Farm  Loan  Bureau,  with  a  special  land  coloniza- 
tion credit  fund.  A  similar  plan  was  proposed  in 
the  bill  introduced  by  Representative  Knutson, 
May  27,  1919.1 

Some  such  provision  is  indispensable  in  any 
comprehensive  land  policy,  and  should  secure  a 
place  in  legislative  enactment. 

CO-OPERATION   INDISPENSABLE 

No    amount    of    legislation    or    smooth-running 
administrative  machinery  can  provide,  however, 

1  See  chap.  vi. 

135 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

for  one  of  the  most  fundamental  factors  in 
modern  small-farm  production. 

Every  colony  of  small  farmers  nowadays  needs 
to  provide  for  co-operation  among  its  members. 
There  is  no  other  way  for  them  to  enjoy  the 
technical  advantages  of  large-scale  farming  in  the 
buying  of  seeds,  stock,  fertilizers,  tools,  ma- 
chinery, and  other  necessities  at  wholesale  prices, 
in  the  selling  of  farm  products  at  the  best  prices ; 
in  the  establishment  of  creameries,  etc.  The 
buying  of  necessary  costly  machines,  such  as 
stumping  machines,  tractors,  threshers,  headers, 
is  beyond  the  financial  power  of  an  individual 
settler.  Even  should  he  be  able  to  acquire  them, 
he  cannot  use  such  machines  to  their  full  capacity 
on  his  small  piece  of  land.  But  in  co-operation 
settlers  are  able  to  buy  the  heavy  machinery  and 
to  use  it  to  its  fullest  capacity.  Mutual  insurance 
and  credit  established  through  co-operation  are 
another  substantial  assistance  to  the  success  of 
the  settlers. 

The  co-operative  buying  and  selling  organiza- 
tion of  a  Finnish  farming  colony  in  upper  Michi- 
gan which  the  writer  investigated  in  detail 
proved  to  be  a  great  money  saver  to  the  settlers. 
The  enterprise  has  grown  from  a  small  under- 
taking into  the  largest  business  organization  in 
the  town,  with  its  great  warehouse  overshadowing 
the  railroad  station.  In  the  beginning  the  sur- 
rounding native  farmers  and  townspeople  were 

136 


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vC 


A  LAND  FOLICY 

hostile  toward  it.  They  both  feared  the  compe- 
tition as  well  as  the  broader  results  of  an  under- 
taking of  "foreigners,"  led  by  their  "demagogic 
leaders."  Its  former  opponents  have  radically 
changed  their  attitude,  and  many  are  joining  the 
organization.  They  find  that  co-operation  means 
voluntary,  concerted,  and  co-ordinated  action 
for  the  common  advantage,  and  that  it  is  not 
contrary  to  the  American  spirit. 

One  of  the  leaders  of  the  Finnish  co-operative 
association  explained  that  the  defects  of  the  local 
private  stores  served  as  the  first  inducement  for 
the  settlers  to  establish  a  co-operative  store. 

The  private  stores  usually  set  arbitrary  and  high  prices 
on  the  goods,  which  are  often  of  poor  quality  and  limited 
variety.  As  a  result,  a  co-operative  store  among  our  settlers 
was  established.  We  found  that  the  association,  in  its 
meetings  and  activities,  served  as  a  school  for  the  develop- 
ment of  mutual  understanding  and  fellow-feeling  among  its 
members.  In  the  direction  of  Americanization  our  co- 
operative movement  has  done  much  good  already.  Its 
success  has  made  the  native  farmers  respect  us.  A  number 
of  them  have  already  joined  our  association.  Should  our 
enterprise  grow  wider  it  may  be  expected  to  unite  the 
farmers  of  different  nationalities,  immigrants  and  natives, 
into  one  community. 

The  interviews  of  the  writer  with  the  native 
farmers  fully  substantiated  these  statements  of 
the  Finns.  One  of  them  said  that  when  the  Finn- 
ish settlers  came  the  native-born  people  did  not 
expect  much  good  from  them.  They  were  looked 
upon  as  strange  intruders,  entirely  ignorant  in 

137 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

farming.  But  as  time  went  on  they  made  good 
not  only  as  farmers,  but  also  as  business  men  in 
their  co-operative  buying  and  selling  association. 
They  were  found  to  be  good,  sober,  and  indus- 
trious people. 

The  co-operative  movement  was  apparent  in 
northern  Wisconsin,  where  numerous  co-opera- 
tive creameries  have  been  organized  among  the 
settlers  of  various  nationalities.  The  carrying 
of  milk  to  the  creamery  results  in  the  regular 
meeting  of  settlers  every  day;  business  meetings 
and  other  activities  of  the  association  afford 
opportunities  for  the  settlers  to  get  together  and 
work  together.  In  addition  to  this  the  immi- 
grant settler,  as  a  member  of  the  co-operative 
association,  comes  face  to  face  with  the  wider 
business  world — banks,  railways,  commission 
merchants,  manufacturers,  market  conditions, 
price  fluctuations,  etc.  As  an  individual  producer 
he  comes  to  know  the  larger  problems  involved 
in  marketing  his  product  and  his  vision  and 
understanding  broaden. 

Almost  all  immigrant  settlers  interviewed  on 
the  subject  of  co-operation  were  in  favor  of  it. 
"Co-operation  helps  us!"  were  words  often 
used  in  answer  to  the  question  why  they  favor 
co-operation.  This  "help"  should  not  be  under- 
stood in  the  material  sense  only.  Co-operative 
action,  though  it  begins  in  economics,  extends 
to  and  ends  in  the  creation  of  ideal,  socio-psycho- 

138 


A  LAND  POLICY 

logical  values.  The  co-operator  works  and 
rights  in  the  spirit  of  solidarity.  He  satisfies  his 
wants  through  concerted  action.  His  psychology 
is  more  complex  and  his  aims  become  higher 
than  those  of  a  private  individual. 

Co-operation  is  a  child  of  necessity.  It  cannot 
be  created  by  outside  suggestion  or  mere  preach- 
ing. When  there  is  a  need  and  conditions  are 
favorable  the  co-operative  movement  comes  into 
being.  Unquestionably  the  need  for  co-operation 
is  greater  in  the  rural  districts  than  in  the  cities, 
and  yet  the  rural  conditions  in  many  respects 
make  the  development  of  co-operation  more 
difficult.  The  main  obstacles,  according  to  the 
rural  co-operators  themselves,  consist  in  the  lack 
of  business  connections  and  markets,  in  the  ab- 
sence of  knowledge  of  efficient  business  methods, 
and  in  credit  difficulties.  It  is  hard  to  find  an 
able  and  trustworthy  business  manager  for  a 
co-operative  store  in  a  village. 

Notwithstanding  all  difficulties,  the  co-opera- 
tive movement  among  farmers  and  especially 
among  immigrant  settlers  has  lately  begun  to  grow 
with  extreme  rapidity.  For  instance,  in  1917  in  the 
state  of  Wisconsin  there  were  agricultural  co-oper- 
ative associations  in  the  following  numbers:  380 
creameries,  718  cheese  factories,  98  feed  and  prod- 
uce associations,  and  124  live-stock  concerns.1 

1  Bulletin  No.  182,  May,  1917,  Agricultural  Experiment  Station, 
University  of  Wisconsin. 

139 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

One  of  the  first  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
establishing  a  co-operative  association  is  its 
incorporation  proceeding.  Most  of  the  states  up 
to  this  time  have  had  no  special  laws  covering 
co-operative  associations.  In  such  cases  they 
have  to  be  incorporated  under  the  laws  relating 
to  private  companies  or  those  covering  charity 
and  public-welfare  associations. 

A  number  of  states  have  enacted  laws  for  the 
promotion  and  protection  of  co-operation  among 
farmers.  The  Wisconsin  law,  Chapter  S68,  Laws 
of  1911,  makes  provision  for  the  establishment 
of  organizations  conducting  business  on  the 
co-operative  plan.  No  member  is  allowed  to 
own  shares  of  a  greater  par  value  than  one  thou- 
sand dollars.  No  member  is  entitled  to  more 
than  one  vote.  Dividends  on  the  paid-up 
shares  are  allowed  to  be  no  more  than  6  per  cent 
per  annum;  10  per  cent  on  the  net  profits  has 
to  be  set  aside  as  a  reserve  fund.  When  this  has 
accumulated  up  to  30  per  cent  of  the  paid-up 
shares,  5  per  cent  goes  to  the  educational  fund 
to  be  used  for  teaching  co-operation.  One  half 
of  the  remainder  of  the  profits  has  to  be  paid  as 
a  uniform  dividend  upon  the  amount  of  pur- 
chases of  shareholders  and  upon  the  wages  and 
salaries  of  the  employees,  while  the  other  half 
has  to  be  paid  to  the  nonshareholders  on  the 
amount  of  their  purchases. 

In   case   of  productive   associations,   such   as 

140 


A  LAND   POLICY 

co-operative  creameries,  or  elevators,  dividends 
have  to  be  paid  on  raw  materials  delivered.  In 
case  an  association  is  both  a  selling  and  pro- 
ductive enterprise,  the  dividends  may  be  di- 
vided on  both  goods  purchased  and  material 
delivered.  All  concerns  which  do  not  comply 
with  the  provisions  of  the  above  law  are  pro- 
hibited to  use  the  term  "co-operative"  as  a 
part  of  their  corporate  name  or  the  designation 
of  their  business. 

According  to  the  Nebraska  law,  Senate  File 
No.  88, 

the  words  "co-operative  company,  corporation,  or  associa- 
tion "  are  defined  to  mean  a  company,  corporation,  or  asso- 
ciation which  authorizes  the  distribution  of  its  earnings  in 
part  or  wholly  on  the  basis  of,  or  in  proportion  to,  the  amount 
of  property  bought  from  or  sold  to  members,  or  of  labor 
performed,  or  other  service  rendered  to  the  corporation. 
A  co-operative  concern  has  the  power  "to  regulate  and  limit 
the  right  of  stockholders  to  transfer  their  stock,  and  to  make 
by-laws  for  the  management  of  its  affairs,  and  to  provide 
thereon  the  term  and  limitation  of  stock  ownership,  and  for 
the  distribution  of  its  earnings." 

The  California  law,  Civil  Code,  Sees.  653M 
to  653S,  provides  for  organization  of  agricultural, 
viticultural,  and  horticultural  co-operative  asso- 
ciations which  shall  not  have  a  capital  stock  and 
shall  not  be  working  for  profit.  Each  such  asso- 
ciation shall  determine  by  its  by-laws  the  amount 
of  membership  fee,  the  number  and  qualifications 
of  members,  conditions  of  voting,  the  methods  of 
business,  and  the  division  of  earnings. 

141 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

There  is  no  question  that  every  state  must 
have  special  legislation  for  co-operative  associa- 
tions quite  distinct  from  that  relating  to  private 
business  concerns.  A  co-operative  association 
must  have  the  legal  power  to  regulate  and  limit 
the  right  of  shareholders  to  transfer  their  shares, 
to  make  by-laws  for  the  management  of  business, 
to  limit  the  share  ownership,  to  decide  on  the 
proportion  and  method  of  distribution  of  its 
surplus  earnings.  It  must  limit  dividends  on 
shares  to  the  prevailing  rate  of  interest  and  pro- 
vide a  certain  percentage  for  a  reserve  fund  until 
the  latter  has  accumulated  up  to  a  certain  pro- 
portion of  the  capital  invested.  A  part  of  the 
remainder  should  be  retained  for  educational  and 
other  social-welfare  purposes,  the  rest  propor- 
tioned to  the  amounts  of  goods  purchased, 
products  contributed,  or  services  rendered.  The 
co-operative  law  should  provide  for  one-member- 
one-vote.  Irrespective  of  the  number  of  shares 
owned,  or  the  goods  purchased,  or  the  products 
contributed,  or  the  services  rendered,  only  one 
vote  should  be  granted  to  each  member. 

Aside  from  such  legislation,  each  state,  as  in 
New  York,  should  have  a  special  office  with  ade- 
quate forces  for  the  advice  and  direction  of 
farmers  and  settlers  who  desire  to  organize  a  co- 
operative association,  as  well  as  for  those  who 
have  already  established  such  an  association  and 
are  meeting  with  difficulties. 

142 


PART  II 


VIII 

RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

The  term  "Americanization"  is  used  in  two 
senses.  In  the  narrower  one  it  applies  to  our 
immigrant  population  only,  and  in  a  broader 
sense  it  applies  to  everybody,  natives  and  immi- 
grants alike.  This  means  the  Americanization  of 
America.  This  broader  meaning  embraces  the 
whole  national  life  in  all  its  conditions,  tenden- 
cies, and  forms  of  expression. 

When  the  writer  accepted  the  invitation  of  the 
Study  of  Methods  of  Americanization  to  make  a 
field  investigation  of  rural  developments  from 
the  viewpoint  of  Americanization,  he  was  certain 
that  the  study  must  be  conducted  in  relation  to 
the  immigrant  colonies  only.  The  study  of  the 
Americanization  of  America  would  lead  us  no- 
where, especially  in  view  of  the  smallness  of 
available  forces  and  the  shortness  of  time.  The 
study  must  be  confined,  therefore,  to  the  immi- 
grant elements  of  the  population,  and  even  then 
it  could  only  be  a  preliminary  survey  to  reveal 
the  problems  to  be  studied  later  in  detail. 

IMPORTANCE   OF   EDUCATION 

But  the  first  observations  in  the  field  study  soon 
convinced  him  that  a  broader  scope  is  inevitable. 

145 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

For  instance,  inquiry  into  the  conditions  of  the 
immigrants  in  relation  to  the  acquisition  of  land 
for  cultivation  necessarily  led  him  to  the  general 
land  question,  in  the  country,  land  policies,  land 
laws,  land-dealing  methods.  In  even  a  more 
striking  way  did  the  field  study  of  immigrant 
education  in  the  rural  districts  lead  to  the  ques- 
tion of  general  public  education  in  rural  com- 
munities regardless  of  their  racial  composition. 
Education  has  always  been  more  of  a  problem 
in  rural  districts  than  urban.  Evidence  of  this 
is  found  in  the  1910  Census,  which  shows  that 
for  every  illiterate  person  living  in  an  urban 
community  there  are  approximately  two  living 
in  rural  communities.  The  higher  per  cent  of 
illiteracy  in  the  rural  districts  is  even  more 
marked  in  the  states  where  immigrants  are 
settling  than  in  the  country  as  a  whole.  In 
New  Mexico,  Arizona,  and  California  the  ratio 
is  about  250  illiterates  in  the  country  to  every 
100  in  the  city.  Among  the  foreign  born  in  rural 
districts  in  three  of  these  states  an  exceptionally 
high  per  cent  of  illiteracy  prevails.  For  Texas 
35  per  cent,  New  Mexico  34  per  cent,  and  Arizona 
37  per  cent,  of  the  rural  foreign  born  are  illiterate 
— in  contrast  to  13  per  cent  for  the  United  States. 
With  the  exception  of  Louisiana  these  per  cents  are 
the  highest  in  the  country  and  presage  a  problem 
that  cannot  be  overlooked  in  a  consideration  of 
land  settlement  for  the  foreign  born. 

146 


THESE   CHILDREN   AND   TEACHERS   IN   NEW   MEXICO  JOIN   FORCES 
TO   WIPE   OUT   ILLITERACY 


THE   LARGEST   CIRL   WON   A    PRIZE   FOR   SCHOLARSHIP 


1™       B*                           f 

.-.  £ 

:.:  rtu 

RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

Equally  significant  are  the  1910  comparisons 
of  the  figures  for  immigrants'  inability  to  speak 
English  in  urban  and  rural  communities.  Al- 
though the  contrast  for  the  country  as  a  whole  is 
not  so  striking,  being  21.9  per  cent  in  cities  as 
compared  with  25.2  per  cent  in  rural  districts, 
the  differences  in  the  four  states  where  new  immi- 
grants are  settling  on  farms  are  considerable. 


TABLE  IV 

Per  Cent  Unable  to  Speak  English,  of  Total  Foreign 

Born,  Ten  Years  of  Age  and  Over,  in  Urban 

and  Rural  Communities  l 


Per  Cent 

Ratio  of 

Urban 

Rural 

Rural  to  Urban 

Texas 

41.8 
28.5 
48.2 
10.5 

64.0 
61.7 
62.6 

22.4 

153.1 

New  Mexico 

216.5 

Arizona 

129.9 

California 

213.3 

United  States 

21.9 

25.2 

115.0 

Over  60  per  cent  of  the  foreign  born  in  rural 
communities  in  Texas,  New  Mexico,  and  Arizona 
are  unable  to  speak  English.  The  principal 
foreign  group  is  composed  of  Mexicans  who 
come  from  a  non-English-speaking  country  which 
has  a  high  per  cent  of  illiteracy.  They  go  into 
the  rural  communities  of  these  border  states, 
where  there  is  practically  no  schooling  opportu- 

1  Thirteenth  Census  of  United  States,  1910,  vol.  i,  p.  1279. 
11  147 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

nity  either  for  learning  the  English  language  or 
for  learning  to  read  and  write.  While  only  22.4 
per  cent  are  not  able  to  speak  English  in  Cali- 
fornia rural  districts,  this  is  more  than  twice  as 
many  as  are  unable  to  speak  it  in  California 
cities.  This  is  a  high  ratio  in  the  one  state  in 
the  country  which  provides  public  settlement 
projects.  While  these  situations  are  perhaps 
extreme,  their  existence  is  manifestly  inexcusable 
in  a  land  which  prides  itself  on  educational  oppor- 
tunity for  all.  There  is  virtually  never  equality  of 
opportunity  in  rural  and  urban  communities,  for 
either  native  or  foreign  born,  and  the  immigrant 
who  lives  on  the  land  is  especially  handicapped. 

In  another  report1  of  this  study  there  is  evi- 
dence which  points  to  lack  of  educational  and 
social  opportunities  in  rural  districts.  The 
average  length  of  time  after  arrival  in  the  coun- 
try before  petitions  for  naturalization  papers  are 
filed  is  tabulated  by  occupation  for  more  than 
twenty  thousand  cases.  These  figures  show  that, 
for  all  occupational  groups  of  any  size,  agricul- 
tural workers  take  the  longest  time,  about  four- , 
teen  years,  before  petitioning.  The  average 
length  of  time  for  workers  of  all  occupations  is 
about  ten  and  a  half  years.  Back  from  the  cur- 
rents of  life,  with  fewer  opportunities  to  over- 
come disqualifications,  the  farm  worker  does  not 
become  a  citizen  as  quickly  as  his  city  brother. 

1  John  P.  Gavit,  Americcms  by  Choice  (in  preparation). 

148 


RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

The  term  "education"  as  applied  especially 
to  the  rural  population  is  a  very  broad  one.  It 
comprises  everything  which  helps  to  elevate  the 
people  materially  as  well  as  mentally  and  spirit- 
ually. In  this  direction  various  educational 
agencies  are  working.  The  most  important  of 
them  might  be  classified  as  follows: 

1.  Schools: 

A.  Public: 

(1)  general. 

(2)  evening. 

(3)  home  teacher. 

(4)  vocational  (training  in  agriculture). 

B.  Private: 

(1)  general. 

(2)  church  or  parochial. 

2.  Churches: 

A.  American,  service  in  English. 

B.  Immigrant,  service  in  foreign  tongue. 

3.  Libraries: 

A.  Public: 

(1)  community  or  town. 

(2)  traveling. 

(3)  package. 

(4)  school. 

B.  Private: 

(1)  church. 

(2)  school. 

Among  these  agencies  the  public  school  is  the 
foremost   in   the   Americanization   process.      It 

149 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

directly  influences  the  children  and  through  them 
their  parents — the  adult  immigrants. 

BRIDGING   DIFFERENCES 

An  observer  of  the  home  life  of  immigrant 
families  finds  a  marked  difference  between  the 
parents  and  the  children  who  attend  American 
schools,  as  well  as  between  the  American- 
schooled  children  and  their  European-schooled 
brothers  and  sisters.  These  differences  lead  often 
to  friction  and  dissension  in  the  families,  and 
though  each  difference  may  be  concerned  with  a 
trivial  matter,  yet  in  their  entirety  they  repre- 
sent the  variation  of  the  American  from  the 
immigrant. 

The  writer  once  entered  the  home  of  a  large 
Russian  immigrant  family  just  when  a  quarrel 
between  two  sets  of  children  was  going  on.  The 
European-trained  children  wanted  the  window 
shades  rolled  entirely  up,  for  the  sake  of  more 
light,  while  their  American-bred  brothers  and 
sisters  insisted  that  the  shades  be  left  halfway 
up,  as  the  Americans  have  them. 

Another  illustration  of  these  differences  is 
found  in  the  fact  that  the  immigrants  are  con- 
servative in  clinging  to  their  old-country  diet. 
The  first  breach  is  usually  occasioned  by  pie — 
the  American  national  dessert.  The  immigrant 
children  learn  about  it  and  taste  it  in  the  school 

150 


RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

cooking  classes  and  also  in  the  neighboring 
American  families,  insisting  that  their  mothers 
make  it  also.  As  a  result  the  pie  appears  on  the 
immigrant  table,  though  in  the  poorer  families 
only  on  holidays. 

In  the  case  of  language,  the  parents  and  their 
European-schooled  children  continue  to  speak  at 
home  their  old-country  tongue  and  read  news- 
papers and  books  in  the  same  language.  The 
American-schooled  children  prefer  to  speak  Eng- 
lish and  read  American  newspapers  and  books, 
taking  a  special  pride  in  this.  They  answer  their 
parents  in  English,  although  the  latter  do  not 
always  understand  English.  They  call  them- 
selves Americans,  in  distinction  from  their 
European  parents  and  older  brothers  and  sisters. 
"My  father,  mother,  and  older  sisters  are  Poles, 
but  I  am  an  American!"  answered  an  American- 
born  Polish  boy  of  about  twelve  years  when 
asked  about  his  nationality. 

"How  do  you  know  that  you  are  an  Ameri- 
can?" 

"I  was  born  here  and  I  speak  the  American 
language." 

In  the  Italian  colony  at  Vineland,  New  Jersey, 
to  give  only  one  instance,  there  was  marked  con- 
flict between  the  children  who  went  to  the  public 
schools  and  their  parents  over  the  use  of  the 
Italian  language.  The  children  wanted  to  speak 
English  and  some  even  refused  to  talk  Italian, 

151 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

though  their  parents  wanted  them  to  and  tried 
to  teach  them.  The  children  commonly  acted  as 
interpreters  between  Americans  and  their  par- 
ents, especially  their  mothers.  Unfortunately, 
they  did  not  conceal  their  contempt  for  the  latter 
for  failing  to  understand  and  use  English. 

Often  such  differences  are  so  pronounced  that 
the  immigrant  parents  are  greatly  grieved  over 
the  "estrangement"  caused  by  the  influence  of 
the  American  public  schools.  This  dissatisfac- 
tion takes  an  especially  acute  form  among  the 
sectarian  immigrants.  In  San  Francisco  there  are 
over  four  hundred  families  of  Russian  sectarian 
peasants — Molochans,  Jumpers,  etc.  Their  re- 
ligion opposes  war  and  military  service,  and  on 
that  account  they  were  exempted  from  the  draft. 
Notwithstanding  this,  four  or  five  of  their  young 
boys  volunteered,  in  spite  of  the  opposition  of 
their  parents  and  of  the  whole  colony.  When  the 
writer  visited  the  colony  last  year  the  colonists 
were  much  agitated  and  upset.  They  openly 
cursed  the  American  schools  and  the  city  streets 
for  ruining  their  boys  spiritually.  "If  we  can't 
settle  on  land  in  the  rural  districts,  then  we 
have  to  get  out  of  America!"  exclaimed  the 
aged  leader.  In  rural  districts,  they  think,  they 
would  be  able  to  keep  their  children  from  going 
"astray."  The  street  influence  is  absent  and  the 
school-attendance  law  is  not  so  severely  enforced 
as  in  the  city,  the  immigrant  leader  believed. 

152 


RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

In  the  Polish  farming  colony  centered  at  South 
Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  where  the  Polish  chil- 
dren all  attend  the  American  public  schools,  the 
children  learn  English  quickly  and  prefer  every- 
thing American  to  everything  Polish.  The 
parents  are  very  much  distressed  over  losing 
their  children  as  Polish  people.  For  this  reason 
the  parents  stated  that  they  were  extremely  eager 
to  establish  their  own  Polish  school  where  they 
could  teach  their  children  the  Polish  language 
and  Polish  history.  Only  lack  of  money  has  so 
far  prevented  the  founding  of  such  a  parochial 
school. 

PAROCHIAL   SCHOOLS 

When  an  immigrant  group  is  planning  either  a 
parochial  or  some  other  type  of  private  school  of 
its  own,  one  of  its  arguments  is  always  that  this 
school  will  keep  the  children  in  its  own  group, 
racially  and  religiously. 

The  North  Middle  Western  states — Michigan, 
Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Iowa,  the  Dakotas,  Ne- 
braska— have  large  immigrant  groups.  In  the 
rural  districts  of  those  states  it  is  a  fact  that 
where  there  exists  a  private  or  parochial  school, 
the  public  school  is  neglected,  poorly  equipped, 
and  has  a  very  small  attendance. 

A  county  superintendent  of  schools  in  Minne- 
sota reports : 

153 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

One  of  our  greatest  drawbacks  in  attendance  is  the 
parochial  schools.  These  retard  the  attendance  and  keep 
the  school  terms  down.1 

A  county  superintendent  in  South  Dakota  writes : 

In  a  number  of  districts  the  attendance  is  so  small,  owing 
to  the  fact  that  many  attend  the  parochial  school,  that 
interest  and  enthusiasm  are  lacking.2 

Another  report  from  Minnesota  states  that, 

the  poorest  schools  in  the  country  are  in  communities 
where  there  are  private  schools  in  connection  with  a  church. 
The  children  attend  these  for  years  at  a  time,  and  when 
they  return  to  the  public  schools  find  themselves  behind 
their  former  companions.3 

In  1915-16  there  were  in  the  state  of  Wisconsin 
78  rural  public  schools  enrolling  five  or  fewer 
children,  and  445  rural  public  schools  enrolling 
six  to  ten  children.  The  state  school  authorities 
explained  to  the  writer  that  the  small  enrollment 
in  certain  public  schools  does  not  alwTays  indicate 
that  there  are  not  enough  children  of  school  age 
in  the  district  or  that  the  children  do  not  enroll. 
Very  often  in  the  same  district  there  is  a  well- 
developed  parochial  or  private  school  attended 
by  immigrant  children.    The  parents  prefer  these 

1  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  p.  84. 

2  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  South  Dakota,  Report, 
1916.     Report  of  Superintendent  of  Hanson  County. 

3  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  p.  85. 

154 


RURAL  EDUCATIONAL  AGENCIES 

schools  to  the  public  schools  for  racial  and  re- 
ligious reasons,  and  contribute  liberally  to  their 
development  and  maintenance. 

In  a  number  of  cases  where  there  are  public 
and  private  schools  in  immigrant  localities,  the 
writer  observed  an  active  and  intentional  neg- 
lect of  the  public  schools  by  the  local  school 
authorities.  For  instance,  in  some  cases  where 
the  state  gives  a  certain  sum  of  money  for  the 
support  of  the  public  schools,  the  money  is  de- 
posited in  the  bank  instead  of  being  used  for  the 
development  of  the  public  schools.  Such  delib- 
erate neglect  of  the  public  schools  by  the  immi- 
grant local  school  leaders  was  quite  conspicuous 
in  the  state  of  Wisconsin. 


IX 

PRIVATE    SCHOOLS 

One  of  the  greatest  negative  agencies,  and  in 
a  large  number  of  cases  consciously  negative 
agencies,  affecting  the  Americanization  of  immi- 
grants in  our  rural  districts  has  been  private 
schools.  Among  these — the  writer  wishes  to  be 
entirely  outspoken — the  most  conspicuous  have 
been  immigrant  Catholic  and  Lutheran  parochial 
schools  and  Hebrew  schools. 

Many  of  them  are  run  in  the  spirit  of  preference 
for  the  old  country  and  for  the  immigrant  race 
or  nationality  to  America  and  the  American 
nationality.  Furthermore,  the  very  spirit  and 
aim  of  their  methods  are  foreign  to  America. 
In  their  training  of  children  they  lay  special 
stress  on  discipline,  obedience,  on  the  form  of 
things,  on  punctuality,  on  memory,  and  on 
mechanism.  All  these  qualities  have  been  desir- 
able in  the  "subjects"  and  in  the  small  "subject 
nations,"  from  the  point  of  view  of  the  monar- 
chical and  aristocratic  European  regimes,  with 
which  Catholicism  and  Lutheranism  have  been 
identified,  or  of  the  Talmud,  upon  which  extreme 
Hebrew  nationalism  is  based. 

156 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

The  authorities  of  parochial  schools,  especially 
the  higher  authorities,  such  as  bishops,  allow 
themselves  to  criticize  sternly  the  American 
public  schools  for  looseness,  too  much  freedom, 
lack  of  moral  teachings,  etc.  A  prominent  Ger- 
man Catholic  bishop,  who  has  been  for  thirty 
years  in  America  and  who  can  hardly  speak 
English,  stated  to  the  writer  that  the  American 
colleges,  high  schools,  and  even  public  schools 
are  no  good,  that  their  aim  is  to  prepare  children 
and  students  to  get  easier  jobs,  to  get  along  in 
life  without  labor  and  effort.  Religious  and 
moral  teachings  are  entirely  lacking  in  his  opinion 
and  the  schools  work  against  these  teachings. 
Especially,  the  training  of  girls  in  America  is 
entirely  wrong.  They  are  not  educated  to  be 
good  housewives,  but  are  just  reared  for  an  easy 
and  joyful  life;  in  fact,  girls  are  too  lazy  to  do 
family  work  or  any  work.  The  severely  nation- 
alistic churchman  was  unable  to  approve  the 
democratic  spirit  of  the  American  public  school 
with  the  stress  which  it  lays  upon  freedom  of 
action,  self-reliance,  initiative,  and  imagination 
in  children.  He  looked  upon  children  as  if  they 
were  somebody's  property  or  tools,  not  human 
beings  with  individual  destinies. 

How  important  the  parochial  schools  are  con- 
sidered to  be  by  certain  immigrant  nationalistic 
leaders  and  high  clergy  is  shown  by  the  speeches 
delivered  at  the  southeastern  Wisconsin  district 

157 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

conference   of   the   Evangelical   Lutheran   Joint 

Synod  of  Wisconsin,  Minnesota,  Michigan,  and 

other  states,  held  in  the  summer  of  1918.    Prof. 

A.  Piper  stated  that, 

we  must  concentrate  all  our  powers  upon  keeping  our  hands 
on  our  schools.  To  hold  our  schools  we  must  compete  with 
the  public  schools,  must  hold  classes  five  days  a  week,  and 
must  work  with  all  the  strength  that  is  in  us.  The  most 
important  part  of  all  of  our  missionary  work  is  the  work  in 
our  schools. 

The  importance  of  concentrating  effort  on  the 

parochial    schools    was   further   emphasized    by 

W.  Grabner,  Milwaukee,  who  asked: 

What  has  made  Chicago  the  greatest  Lutheran  city  in  the 
world?  [and  replied]  I  say  it  was  the  Lutheran  parochial 
school.  It  has  served  as  a  nucleus  for  all  Lutheran  families 
to  settle  about.  Round  it  all  life  and  activity  centered. 
Our  Lutheran  forefathers  nourished  the  little  Lutheran 
schools  with  all  the  powers  they  possessed. 

The  situation  in  the  rural  districts  of  various 
states  in  regard  to  the  private  and  especially 
the  parochial  schools  in  connection  with  the 
Americanization  of  the  children  of  immigrants 
born  here  and  abroad  is  shown  by  the  following 
field  notes  and  material  collected  by  the  writer. 

NEBRASKA 

The  Nebraska  State  Council  of  Defense  made  a 
report  on  the  foreign-language  schools  in  Ne- 
braska, dated  January  14,  1917.  The  data  were 
secured  through  the  personal  investigation  of 

158 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

Miss  Sarka  Hrbkova,  chairman  of  the  Woman's 
Committee,  aided  by  Miss  Alice  Florer  of  the 
State  Superintendent's  office,  and  through  the 
efforts  of  the  county  chairmen  of  educational 
propaganda  of  the  Woman's  Committee.  Pro- 
fessors Link  and  Weller  and  other  representatives 
of  the  German  Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  of 
the  Missouri  Synod  co-operated  with  Miss 
Hrbkova.  The  following  facts  indicate  the  ex- 
tent of  parochial  schools  in  Nebraska.1 

Foreign -language  schools  are  located  in  59  counties  of 
Nebraska.  There  is  a  total  of  262  schools  in  which  it  is 
estimated  that  10,000  children  receive  instruction  in  foreign 
languages,  chiefly  the  German.  In  these  262  schools  379 
teachers  are  employed.  Five  thousand  five  hundred  and 
fifty-four  children  are  attending  the  schools  of  the  German 
Evangelical  Lutheran  Church  of  the  Missouri  Synod,  this 
number  including  those  in  the  summer  sessions  as  well. 
About  20  teachers  give  instructions  in  their  homes  or  in 
church  buildings.  Of  these  379  teachers  in  private  schools, 
2  give  instruction  in  Danish,  6  in  Polish,  14  in  Swedish, 
and  357  in  German.  Less  than  2  per  cent  of  the  teachers  of 
these  schools  are  certified.  About  120  of  the  German 
teachers  are  likewise  ministers  in  the  German  Lutheran 
parish  where  the  school  is  located.  The  county  superin- 
tendents of  the  59  counties  in  which  the  foreign-language 
schools  are  located  reported  that  in  only  a  few  cases  do 
these  schools  give  the  equivalent  of  the  eighth-grade  public 
school.  For  the  most  part,  the  eight  years'  attendance  at 
such  a  school  fits  pupils  for  the  sixth  grade  of  the  public 
schools. 

In  certain  schools  in  Fillmore,  Cass,  Franklin,  Gosper, 
Jefferson,  Pawnee,  and  Wayne  Counties  the  instruction  is 
given  entirely  in  the  German  language.     In  about  200  of 

1  Report  of  the  Nebraska  Council  of  Defense,  January  14,  1917. 

159 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

the  schools  three  hours  daily  is  devoted  to  instruction  in 
the  German  language. 

In  Deuel,  Fillmore,  and  Jefferson  Counties  the  superin- 
tendents report  that  the  German  national  hymn  is  sung  in 
certain  foreign-language  schools.  In  Nance  and  Washing- 
ton Counties  they  report  that  it  was  formerly  sung,  but  not 
this  year.  In  Cedar  Creek  District  No.  88,  Cass  County, 
Reverend  Kunzendorf,  teacher,  states  that  they  do  not  sing 
the  American  hymn  because  they  do  not  sing  any  hymns  at 
all.  The  American  national  hymn  is  not  sung  in  about  100 
of  the  German -language  schools.  Over  100  foreign-language 
schools  lack  an  American  flag.  One  minister,  Rev.  J.  Aron, 
from  Wayne  County,  writes,  "We  have  no  flag,  but  will 
see  to  it  that  one  be  put  up,  if  requested  to  do  so."  In 
Madison  the  minister  declared  foreign-language  and  pa- 
rochial schools  are  not  required  by  law  to  have  an  American 
flag,  and  therefore  he  does  not  display  one. 

Public  schools  have  been  closed  and  forced  out  by  German 
parochial  schools  in  Cedar  County,  Cheyenne  County,  Clay 
County,  Colfax  County  (No.  36),  Gage  County  (No.  103), 
2  in  Johnson  County,  5  in  Platte  County,  District  No.  99 
in  Saline  County,  3  in  Seward  County,  No.  38  in  Stanton 
County  and  Wayne  County.  In  Cedar  County  the  Bow 
Valley,  Constance,  and  Fordyce  schools  are  taught  by 
Sisters.  In  the  following  counties  there  are  public  schools 
with  only  four  or  five  pupils,  because  the  German-language 
schools  absorb  the  pupils:  Clay,  Cedar,  Cuming,  Dixon, 
Howard,  Nuckolis,  Platte,  Polk,  Seward,  Stanton,  Wayne, 
and  Webster. 

The  following  statement  was  made  by  Prof. 
C.  F.  Brommer,  Hampton,  Nebraska,  president 
of  the  Lutheran  Synod  of  Missouri,  at  the 
hearing  before  the  state  Americanization  Com- 
mittee held  in  Lincoln  in  September,  1918: 

I  think  we  have  more  parochial  schools  than  any  other 
Protestant  body  in  this  state;  between  150  and  160,  with 
about  5,000  children  in  these  schools. 

160 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

In  answer  to  a  question  by  a  member  of  the 
committee,  Professor  Brommer  said: 

I  know  of  one  [public  school]  district  where  there  is  no 
public  school.  There  is  no  need  of  one,  as  the  children  all 
go  to  parochial  school.    There  are  a  few  such  cases. 

George  Weller,  of  Seward,  Nebraska,  stated 
to  the  same  committee: 

German  has  never  been  taught  in  our  schools  [German 
Lutheran]  as  an  end,  but  as  a  means  to  an  end.  We  could 
not  teach  the  old  folks  English,  and  in  order  to  allow  the 
children  and  the  parents  to  worship  together  we  taught 
the  children  the  German  language. 

J.  W.  Robb  of  Lincoln  informed  the  commis- 
sion that  in  one  district  the  Germans  control  the 
public-school  board  and  they  closed  the  public 
school  two  months  in  a  year,  and  the  children  are 
deprived  of  two  months  in  English  schools  or 
must  go  to  a  German  parochial  school  during 
that  time. 

NORTH    DAKOTA 

The  situation  in  regard  to  parochial  schools  in 
North  Dakota  has  been  and  still  is,  perhaps,  more 
serious  than  in  Nebraska.  The  writer  in  his  field 
study  in  North  Dakota  was  impressed  that  the 
public  officials  were  afraid  to  do  anything  more 
than  recommend  certain  desirable  changes  in 
these  schools;  some  were  even  afraid  to  visit 
the  German  counties  or  sections  on  public  busi- 
ness, such  as  Liberty  Bond  or  Red  Cross  drives. 

161 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Several  reasons  were  given,  such  as  politics, 
ignorance  of  the  German  language,  and  even 
care  for  their  own  safety.  Therefore  an  English- 
speaking  German  woman  was  engaged  to  speak 
for  Liberty  Bonds  in  North  Dakota  German  sec- 
tions. She  was  successful  only  because  in  her 
German  public  speeches  she  praised  the  Brest- 
Litovsk  Peace  Treaty  and  condemned  the 
Czechoslovaks  in  Russia.  "Well,  she  brings 
home  the  bacon.  For  what  else  do  we  care!" 
ironically  exclaimed  a  North  Dakota  man  to  the 
writer. 

The  State  Superintendent  of  Public  Education 
made  the  following  statement  to  the  writer 
when  he  asked  for  data  on  the  foreign-language 
schools  in  the  state: 

The  State  Department  of  Public  Education  has  no  au- 
thority whatever  over  the  private  and  parochial  schools  in 
the  state.  There  is  no  legal  ground  for  collecting  informa- 
tion in  regard  to  them.  .  .  .  There  have  been  cases  when 
children  of  immigrant  groups,  attending  a  private  or  pa- 
rochial school,  had  to  learn  the  foreign  tongue  of  other 
groups. 

A  Catholic  bishop  stated: 

The  first  grades  in  the  parochial  schools  use  German  be- 
cause the  children  who  enter  the  schools  do  not  know  Eng- 
lish, and  it  is  far  better  and  more  successful  to  start  work 
with  them  in  their  mother  tongue  as  a  teaching  language. 
At  the  same  time,  they  teach  them  English.  As  their  knowl- 
edge of  English  gradually  grows,  the  teaching  in  the  higher 
grades  is  transferred  to  the  English  language. 

162 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

To  the  writer's  question  whether  the  non-Ger- 
man children  in  their  parochial  schools — for 
instance,  Bohemians  and  Hungarians — have  also 
to  start  in  German,  the  bishop  said  that  in  some 
cases  this  is  true,  for  they  are  not  able  to  find 
teachers  for  each  language. 

In  the  bishop's  diocese  there  are  37,000  Catho- 
lic families.  Among  these  are  2,000  Indian 
families,  about  2,000  Bohemian  families,  and 
between  300  and  400  Hungarian  families.  The 
rest  are  German  families,  over  100  of  whom  are 
from  Germany;  about  2,000  were  born  in  Amer- 
ica, and  the  rest  are  Germans  from  Russia. 

An  American  church  head  made  the  follow- 
ing statement,  in  reply  to  an  inquiry  about  the 
schools : 

Strasburg,  Emmons  County,  has  a  large  parochial  school 
where  German  is  the  only  language  both  for  teaching  and 
speaking.  The  public  school  there  has  only  a  handful  of 
children.  There  are  plenty  of  parochial  schools  in  which 
German  is  taught  exclusively  in  Mcintosh  and  Emmons 
Counties,  and  in  the  western  counties  (in  the  town  of  New 
Salem,  etc.).  Some  of  the  teachers,  of  whom  a  goodly  num- 
ber are  Sisters,  cannot  speak  English  at  all.  Children  of 
other  nationalities  would  also  be  under  German  influences. 
There  is  undoubtedly  German  propaganda  in  these  schools, 
and  American  or  other  children  become  Germanized.  Every 
graded  school,  private  and  public,  should  be  conducted  in 
English  exclusively.  Every  teacher  need  not  be  American 
born ;  many  foreign-born  people  are  better  citizens  than  some 
native  Americans.  But  every  teacher  should  have  to  under- 
stand and  speak  the  English  language.  No  one  should  teach, 
preach,  or  hold  public  office  who  cannot  speak  English. 
12  163 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  editor  of  an  English  daily  in  Bismarck, 
North  Dakota,  said: 

The  Americanization  work  is  weakest  in  North  Dakota, 
and  yet  it  is  more  needed  here  than  anywhere  else,  for  the 
population  is  mainly  composed  of  foreign  elements.  Foreign- 
language  churches,  parochial  and  other  private  schools,  and 
certain  American  public  schools  in  which,  as  it  is  in  a  num- 
ber of  places,  the  teaching  language  is  a  foreign  language, 
very  often  German — are  keeping  the  old  country  alive  in 
the  state.  We  have  a  large  number  of  the  second  genera- 
tion, grown-up  people  born  here  of  foreign-born  parents, 
who  do  not  know  how  to  write  or  read  English,  who  do  not 
know  anything  about  America,  but  know  well  the  history 
of  Hohenzollern  and  Hapsburg  dynasties  in  Europe. 

A  leader  of  the  Women's  Organization,  North 
Dakota  Council  of  Defense,  made  the  following 
statement : 

The  Red  Cross  work,  food-conservation  work,  and  child- 
welfare  work  are  organized  in  every  county,  a  wide-awake 
woman  being  chosen  as  county  head.  Great  difficulty  is 
experienced  in  reaching  the  foreigner.  A  large  number  of 
them,  especially  women,  do  not  understand  English,  and  do 
not  know  enough  about  the  country,  its  traditions,  and 
spirit.  Aside  from  remaining  foreigners,  they  are  in  many 
cases  unbelievably  ignorant.  For  instance,  the  organization 
undertook  a  baby  census,  which  included  weighing  the  babies. 
The  baby  of  a  German  housewife  was  underweight — that  is, 
below  normal.  When  its  mother  learned  of  this  she  began  to 
cry  hysterically.  After  the  other  people  succeeded  in  quiet- 
ing her  she  expressed  the  fear  that  the  American  government 
would  kill  her  baby  for  being  below  normal  weight. 

MINNESOTA 

The    statistical    data    on    parochial    and    other 
private  schools  in  the  state  of  Minnesota  for 

164 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

1918,   compiled  by  the  Department  of  Public 
Instruction,  are  as  follows: 

TABLE  V 

Enrollment  and   Language   Used  in  Parochial  and 
Private  Schools  in  Minnesota,  1918 

Number  of  parochial  and  private  schools 307 

Number  of  pupils  enrolled 38,853 

Number  of  teachers 1,359 

Number  of  schools  using  English  only 94 

Number  of  bilingual  schools  in  which  the  teaching  is  in 

English  and  German 195 

English  and  Bohemian 1 

English  and  Dutch 1 

English  and  French 4 

English  and  Norwegian 1 

English  and  Polish 10 

English  and  Danish 1 

Total 213 

The  Isanti  County  school  superintendent  re- 
ports for  1915-16  r'1 

The  poorest  schools  in  the  county  are  in  communities 
where  there  are  private  schools  in  connection  with  a  church. 
The  children  attend  these  for  years  at  a  time,  and  when  they 
return  to  the  public  schools  find  themselves  behind  their 
former  companions.  We  wish  arrangements  might  be  made 
so  that  these  schools  could  not  teach  the  branches  unless 
the  teachers  were  as  well  equipped  as  the  public -school 
teachers  and  that  the  children  could  be  sent  to  them  only  at 
the  confirmation  age  for  two  years. 


1  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  p.  85. 

165 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  Martin  County  superintendent  reports : * 

Parochial  schools  should  be  required  to  report  to  the 
county  superintendent  the  names  of  their  teachers,  length 
of  term,  etc.  The  teachers  should  be  required  to  make 
monthly  reports  and  be  subject  to  the  same  supervision  of 
inspection  as  those  of  public  schools.  Their  certification 
should  also  be  subject  to  state  approval.  Failing  this,  the 
pupils  should  be  required  to  attend  the  public  schools  for 
at  least  eight  full  years,  or  until  they  complete  the  regular 
eighth-grade  work. 

Near  St.  Cloud,  Minnesota,  there  is  a  Slovenian 
colony  of  about  fifty  to  sixty  families.  Near  by 
there  is  a  much  smaller  German  colony  with  a 
German  parochial  school  in  which  the  teacher, 
at  the  time  of  the  writer's  visit,  was  a  German 
and  the  teaching  language  was  German.  Quite 
a  number  of  the  Slovenian  families  sent  their 
children  to  this  school,  where  they  were  Ger- 
manized instead  of  Americanized.  A  Slovenian 
family  head  explained  to  the  writer  that  those 
Slovenians  who  are  sending  their  children  to  the 
German  school  do  it  for  a  practical  reason.  They 
expect  some  time  to  visit  their  native  Austria, 
where  German  is  the  state  language.  The  man 
claimed  that  about  one  tenth  of  the  settlers  do 
not  understand  English,  and  that  only  about 
one  fifth  of  them  can  speak  and  write  English, 


1  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  p.  92. 

166 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

although  the  colony  was  founded  in  America 
about  fifty  years  ago. 

MICHIGAN 

The  following  statement  made  by  the  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction  in  the  state  of 
Michigan  to  the  writer,  September  11,  1918, 
shows  the  situation  in  regard  to  the  private 
schools  in  that  state.  Parochial  schools  exist  as 
follows: 

One  hundred  and  sixty-six  Catholic;  124  German  Luth- 
eran; 19  Adventists;  22  Christian  Reform.  There  is  a 
total  of  331.  Of  these,  190  maintain  as  many  as  eight 
grades,  and  62  maintain  more  than  eight  grades.  In  the 
grades  below  the  high  school  there  is  an  attendance  of  43,836, 
and  in  the  high  schools,  2,813.  There  are  employed  about 
1,200  teachers.  Eighty-six  schools  use  German  as  a  medium 
of  instruction,  German  partly;  sixteen  use  Polish;  5  use 
French.  Only  2  schools  in  the  state  give  no  time  to  the 
teaching  of  the  English  branches.  Seventy  per  cent  of  all 
the  schools  use  the  English  language  only  as  a  medium  of 
instruction.  The  census  of  the  state  contains  892,787 
children  of  school  age,  five  to  nineteen  years,  inclusive. 
There  are  enrolled  in  the  public  schools  of  the  state,  635,020 . 
We  regret  that  we  have  not  yet  the  data  from  Saginaw  and 
Detroit.  The  city  of  Detroit  alone  would  perhaps  show  a 
parochial-school  attendance  as  large  as  the  parochial -school 
attendance  of  all  the  rest  of  the  state. 

In  a  Finnish  colony  in  upper  Michigan  the 
writer  found  three  one-month  religious  summer 
schools,  well  attended.  One  of  the  leaders  of  the 
colony    stated    that    they    have    only    Finnish 

167 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

teachers  in  these  schools  and  the  teaching  is  in 
Finnish.  The  program  contains  mainly  religious 
instruction  and  a  limited  amount  of  Finnish 
history.  The  expenses  are  paid  by  the  church 
treasury.  The  people  want  these  schools  for 
maintaining  their  religion  among  the  children  as 
well  as  for  sentimental  nationalistic  reasons. 
The  schools  are  conducted  in  the  public-school 
rooms  during  summer  vacations. 

In  the  same  section  of  the  state  the  writer 
visited  an  old  and  comparatively  large  Polish 
colony,  located  at  Posen.  His  field  notes  supply 
the  following  information:  There  is  at  the 
church  a  four-room  parochial  school,  housed  in 
a  substantial  brick  building,  with  five  teachers, 
including  the  priest.  The  school  year  lasts  ten 
months.  Teaching  is  in  English,  except  that  an 
hour  each  day  is  devoted  to  the  Polish  language 
and  Polish  history.  The  priest  admitted  that 
the  teaching  of  religion  is  in  Polish.  The  school 
program  is  the  same  as  in  the  standard  public 
schools  of  eight  grades.  The  same  textbooks 
are  used.  Although  the  law  does  not  require 
examination  of  the  children,  nevertheless  to 
appease  the  county  officials  and  show  the  effi- 
ciency and  value  of  their  school  they  send  the 
children  to  the  county  board  of  education  for 
examination,  and  the  county  board  has  always 
expressed  great  satisfaction  with  the  advance- 
ment in  education  of  the  children  of  the  Polish 

168 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

school.  The  teachers  are  all  Poles,  appointed  by 
the  bishop,  candidates  being  presented  by  the 
priest. 

The  need  of  this  school  the  priest  explained  as 
follows:  It  Americanizes  the  children  more 
quickly  than  the  American  school — that  is,  it  is 
more  efficient  in  teaching  the  children  the  Amer- 
ican ways  of  life  and  American  history  than  the 
American  public  schools,  for  the  teachers  are  all 
Poles,  know  their  people  and  their  psychology 
better  than  do  the  teachers  in  the  public  schools. 
During  a  later  discussion  the  priest  admitted 
that  the  church  service  is  in  the  Polish  language 
and  that  the  Polish  school  exists  rather  for  senti- 
mental reasons  of  a  racial  character  than  for 
practical  reasons.  The  settlers  also  claimed  that 
the  Polish  school  and  the  church  service  in  the 
Polish  language  are  needed,  for  the  reason  that 
they  like  this  better;  they  complained  that  the 
expenses  are  too  high;  they  would  have  the 
county  or  state  help  them.  Sometimes  a  few 
adults  come  to  the  school,  but  they  are  irregular 
in  attendance. 

The  priest  explained  that  the  issue  of  the  immi- 
grant schools  in  the  state  has  become  practically 
a  political  issue,  and  to  his  mind  it  ought  not  to 
be,  at  least  not  in  such  a  sharp  form.  Prohibition 
of  these  schools  would  have  a  bad  effect  on  the 
foreign-born  population.  The  schools  might  be 
modified    and    reformed    and    the   state    might 

169 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

exercise  some  sort  of  control  and  supervision 
over  them,  but  only  so  far  as  it  is  agreeable  to  the 
colonies  themselves.  In  this  way  the  schools 
would  be  a  valuable  asset  to  the  education 
of  the  people.  They  would  work  toward  Ameri- 
canization, better  than  the  ordinary  public 
schools,  for  they  can  reach  the  depths  of  the 
soul  more  easily  than  the  American  schools. 
He  believed  that  his  school  would  be  an  ideal 
means  to  this  end. 

The  writer  observed  in  this  colony  that  the 
majority  of  the  colonists  are  of  the  second  and 
third  generations.  Not  many  families  are 
foreign  born.  The  colony  is  on  the  way  to 
Americanization.  The  main  causes  holding  it 
back  are  as  follows:  the  colony  is  to  a  large 
degree  isolated  from  the  outside  world;  the 
Catholic  Church  and  its  schools  are  keeping 
the  Polish  language  and  the  racial  characteristics 
very  much  alive.  The  writer  heard  in  the  town 
grown-up  people  talking  Polish.  All  the  people 
the  writer  met  spoke  English  fluently.  In  the 
street  he  noticed  several  groups  of  children 
playing;  some  spoke  Polish,  some  English.  Two 
boys  were  talking  together,  one  speaking  Polish, 
the  other  English.  In  watching  and  hearing  the 
boys,  the  writer  felt  the  influence  of  the  Polish 
church  and  school  over  them.  The  faces  and 
build  of  the  people  have  a  specific  Slavic  charac- 
ter.   Otherwise  their  appearance  is  American. 

170 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

At  Holland,  Ottawa  County,  Michigan,  there 
is  a  large  long-established  Dutch  colony,  the 
vast  majority  of  the  settlers  being  already  of  the 
second  and  third  generations.  The  colony  is  far 
advanced  on  the  way  to  Americanization.  The 
writer  found  the  town  and  farming  districts  sur- 
rounding it  almost  the  same  as  any  native  rural 
district.  He  did  not  hear  any  Dutch  spoken  in 
the  streets,  stores,  or  public  offices.  Yet  the 
Dutch  language  was  the  language  of  the  service 
in  the  churches  and  the  teaching  language  in  the 
parochial  schools  up  to  recent  years.  In  regard 
to  this  fact  the  local  church  head  explained  to  the 
writer : 

Aside  from  a  number  of  lower  parochial  schools,  there  is 
one  parochial  high  school  and  one  parochial  college,  Hope 
College.  The  high  school  is  a  preparatory  school  for  the 
college.  The  college  prepares  ministers  for  the  village 
churches.  The  language  used  in  the  high  school  and  college 
was  formerly  Dutch.  They  taught  Dutch  history,  literature, 
and  mainly  religion — Bible  study.  But  during  late  years 
English  has  become  the  teaching  language,  and  the  Dutch 
language  has  remained  only  as  a  subject  of  study.  Up  to 
this  time  the  leaders  of  the  colony  have  been  working 
toward  Americanization  unconsciously,  but  now  they  have 
awakened  to  the  fact  that  the  Dutch  are  rapidly  American- 
izing. They  accept  this  fact  as  a  desirable  one,  and  are  now 
working  consciously  toward  the  end  of  Americanization. 
They  realize  that  even  if  they  would  like  to  keep  the  Dutch 
nationality  alive  in  the  colony,  they  would  not  be  able  to 
do  it,  so  that  they  yield  to  the  inevitable.  The  activities  in 
the  church  and  parochial  schools  have  now  to  be  turned 
more  toward  Americanization. 

171 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

In  a  German  colony  at  Au  Gres,  Michigan,  the 
writer  learned  that  the  colonists  have  a  parochial 
school  in  which  the  teaching  is  in  German.  They 
teach  the  German  language,  the  Lutheran  re- 
ligion, and  the  rudiments  of  sciences.  The 
church  is  composed  entirely  of  Germans.  Both 
ministers  are  appointed  by  the  German  Synod. 
The  Congregational  church  has  Saturday  and 
Sunday  school.  The  Saturday  school  lasts  from 
nine  until  twelve  in  the  morning,  and  the  Sunday 
school  from  nine  until  ten  in  the  morning.  The 
teaching  is  in  German;  the  subject  is  Bible 
study,  and  also  the  learning  of  the  German 
language  and  the  singing  of  hymns.  The  mean- 
ing of  these  schools  was  explained  to  the  writer 
by  the  settlers  as  follows:  The  parents  would 
like  to  have  their  children  know  the  German 
language,  be  able  to  read  and  write  German,  and 
be  instructed  in  religious  matters,  for  neither 
German  nor  religion  is  taught  in  the  American 
schools.  The  local  native  settlers  stated  to  the 
writer  that  the  German  parochial  school  ought 
not  to  be  there.  It  is  a  Germanizing  school, 
opposed  to  America  and  Americanization,  they 
argued. 

WISCONSIN 

The  Superintendent  of  Public  Education  of  the 
State  of  Wisconsin  told  the  writer  that  there  is 
no  law  enabling  the  public  authorities  to  super- 

172 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

vise  or  inspect  the  private  schools  or  even  to  col- 
lect information  in  regard  to  them,  except  in  a 
roundabout  way.  There  is  a  law  requiring  that 
the  county  boards  keep  records  of  school  at- 
tendance and  this  law  enables  the  county  boards 
to  learn  the  attendance  of  every  school  in  each 
county.  The  enrollment  in  private  and  parochial 
schools  in  Wisconsin  was  as  follows: 

TABLE  VI 

Enrollment    and    Teaching   Force    of   Private    and 
Parochial  Schools  in  Wisconsin,  1914-15  and 

1915-16  * 


Number  attending  private  or  parochial 
schools  only — counties 

Number  attending  private  or  parochial 
schools  only — cities 

Number  attending  both  public  and  pri- 
vate, or  parochial  schools — counties.  . 

Number  attending  both  public  and  pri- 
vate, or  parochial  schools — cities 

Teaching  force  of  private  and  parochial 
schools  in  counties: 

Men 

Women 

Total 


1934-15 


888 


24,370 

25,373 

21,736 

18,556 

34,335 

34,958 

1,441 

3,276 

288 

600 

1915-16 


909 


There  was  a  case  in  Wisconsin  in  1918  of  a 
German  father  sentenced  to  five  years  in  the 

1  C.  P.  Cary,  Education  in  Wisconsin,  19U-16  (1917),  p.  93. 

173 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

penitentiary  for  persuading  his  son  to  evade  the 
draft.    An  editorial  commenting  on  the  case  said : 

This  man,  though  German  in  every  sense  of  the  word,  was 
born  in  America.  Yet  when  he  was  on  trial  he  had  great 
difficulty  in  understanding  questions  put  to  him  in  English. 
Born  in  America,  educated  in  American  schools,  nearly  fifty 
years  old,  yet  "he  had  great  difficulty  in  understanding 
questions  put  in  English"!  Why?  Because  in  the  German 
—not  American — community  in  which  he  was  raised  the 
education  of  American  citizens  was  conducted  in  German. 

A  rural  postmaster  of  German  descent  in  a 
small  backwoods  town  in  AYisconsin,  who  claimed 
to  have  lost  long  ago  his  faith  in  "the  Kaiser's 
Fatherland,"  as  he  put  it,  stated  that  there  are 
thousands  and  thousands  of  such  victims  of  the 
German  parochial  schools  in  the  state,  who, 
though  born  and  brought  up  here,  are  unable  to 
converse  freely  in  English.  This  is  especially 
true  among  those  who  live  on  farms  in  a  German 
colony  and  go  only  to  a  German  school  and 
church. 

Now  these  people  suffer  and  are  ashamed  of  themselves. 
But  who  is  responsible?  I  think  both  the  German  clergy 
and  other  leaders  for  victimizing  these  people,  as  well  as  the 
American  public  for  allowing  such  mischief. 

SOUTH  DAKOTA 

In  regard  to  the  situation  in  South  Dakota,  the 
Federal  Bureau  of  Education  reports  (Bulletin, 
No.  31,  1918)  that, 

174 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

some  counties,  Hutchinson,  for  example,  are  largely  peopled 
by  German  stock.  A  large  portion  of  the  school  population 
attend  German  Catholic  and  German  Lutheran  parochial 
schools  in  which  German  has  been  used  largely  as  a  medium 
of  instruction.  (Recently  stopped  by  order  of  the  State 
Council  of  Defense.)  In  this  county,  and  in  Hanson  County, 
the  German-Russian  Mennonites  still  live  the  quaint  com- 
munity life  brought  with  them  from  Russia.  German,  not 
English,  is  the  language  of  the  villages,  although  in  most  of 
the  schools  English  is  the  medium  of  instruction. 


CALIFORNIA 

The  California  Commissioner  of  Public  Educa- 
tion stated  to  the  writer  that  the  state  authorities 
have  no  right  to  interfere  in  any  way  with  the 
private  and  parochial  schools  and  that  he  is  not 
legally  able  to  collect  any  information  in  regard 
to  these  schools. 

Even  the  leaders  of  the  Russian  sectarian 
peasant  colonies  maintain  some  sort  of  a  private 
school  of  their  own.  The  San  Francisco  colony 
has  classes  for  children  two  evenings  a  week,  in 
which  they  are  taught  reading  and  writing  in  the 
Russian  language.  In  Los  Angeles  the  colony 
leaders  explained  that  their  children  learn  the 
Russian  language  in  their  homes,  where  Russian 
is  spoken  exclusively,  and  that  they  learn  Russian 
reading  and  writing  in  their  Russian  private 
evening  schools,  one  hour  each  evening.  The 
peasants  themselves  teach  them.  The  parents 
have  to  pay  certain  small  sums  to  the  teachers. 

175 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  leaders  expressed  a  keen  desire  that  the 
city  should  provide  them  with  a  Russian  school, 
for  they  would  like  to  have  their  children  able 
to  read,  speak,  and  write  the  Russian  language. 
If  they  should  not  be  able  to  settle  in  America 
on  the  land  they  would  be  compelled  to  return 
to  Russia.  The  leaders  of  the  Russian  colony  at 
Glendale,  Arizona,  said  that  they  are  attempting 
to  teach  Russian  to  their  children  in  the  evenings 
and  other  spare  time,  but  owing  to  lack  of  time 
and  proper  teachers  they  have  not  made  much 
progress. 

HEBKEW  SCHOOL  IN  NEW  JERSEY 

The  local  manager  of  the  Hirsch  fund  in  Wood- 
bine, New  Jersey,  a  Jewish  colony,  stated  that 
there  is  in  the  colony  a  Hebrew  school  supported 
by  individuals  and  to  a  certain  degree  by  the 
Hirsch  fund.  It  is  a  Hebrew  school  connected 
with  activities  of  the  synagogue,  maintained  for 
religious  purposes.  It  corresponds  to  the  paro- 
chial school  of  Christian  churches.  About  sixty 
pupils  attend  this  school. 

OPINIONS   ON   BOTH   SIDES 

It  goes  without  saying  that  during  war-time 
excitement,  with  its  heightened  suspicion,  the 
statements  made  by  the  defenders  of  the  foreign- 

176 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

language  schools  and  their  opponents  do  not 
always  correspond  to  the  reality.  It  has  been  the 
writer's  impression  that  the  defenders  were  in- 
clined to  diminish  the  negative  influence  of  these 
schools,  while  their  opponents  in  a  number  of  cases 
saw  these  schools  darker  than  they  really  were. 

For  instance,  it  was  a  usual  experience  of  the 
writer,  when  he  arrived  in  an  immigrant  colony 
and  explained  either  to  individual  leaders  or  to 
a  meeting  of  the  whole  colony  the  purpose  of  his 
inquiry,  to  receive  at  the  outset  the  following 
answer:  "Well,  we  are  all  Americanized;  we  are 
all  Americans;  we  understand  and  speak  the 
American  language  and  love  the  country;  we  are 
not  a  colony  at  all,  but  just  plain  American  peo- 
ple of  a  certain  old-country  stock,"  etc.  When 
it  developed  that  the  language  of  their  church 
service  and  the  teaching  language  in  their  private 
schools  was  their  old  -  country  language,  the 
leaders  began,  with  certain  embarrassment,  to 
admit  that  the  old  folks  and  the  late  arrivals  do 
not  understand  English,  and  therefore  the  mother 
tongue  of  the  parents  becomes  the  home  language 
for  both  the  young  and  old.  And  since  some 
settlers  intend  to  return  to  the  old  country,  and 
do  not  like  to  lose  their  former  nationality — 
their  old-country  tongue  is  used  in  the  churches 
and  taught  in  the  schools. 

Perhaps   the  Polish  settlers   were  most   out- 
spoken in  their  attachment  to  their  nationality, 

177 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

while  the  German  settlers  were  either  silent  or 
denied  their  preference  for  the  German  nation- 
ality ;  their  main  argument  in  favor  of  the  use  of 
German  in  their  churches  and  schools  was  based 
on  purely  religious  grounds.  It  was  solely  on  this 
religious  ground  that  they  explained  the  higher 
proportion  of  German-language  schools  to  the 
number  of  German  immigrants  than  obtains  in 
any  other  immigrant  national  group.  The  Jews 
claimed  that  their  racial  characteristics,  such  as 
diet,  moral  conceptions  according  to  the  Mosaic 
laws,  and  study  of  Hebrew  history,  were  really 
contributions  to  America.  They  justified  on  this 
ground  the  cultivation  of  their  racial  differences, 
maintaining  that  there  is  nothing  in  this  opposed 
to  American  ideals,  but  that,  on  the  contrary,  it 
is  in  accord  with  what  this  country  stands  for 
and  fosters. 

On  the  other  hand,  the  opponents  of  foreign- 
language  schools  often  viewed  them  as  the  sole 
hindrance  to  the  better  understanding  and 
acceptance  of  American  ways  and  institutions, 
the  creators  of  disloyalty.  They  would  close  all 
foreign- language  schools  in  the  country  at  once, 
without  any  further  consideration. 

As  a  result  of  the  war-time  revelations  and 
excitement,  certain  changes  have  taken  place  in 
these  schools.  In  a  number  of  states  the  use  of 
a  foreign  tongue  as  a  teaching  medium  and  even 
as  a  subject  of  study  in  the  common  schools  has 

178 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

been  prohibited.  In  a  number  of  places  the  im- 
migrant leaders  themselves  have  voluntarily 
changed  their  teaching  language  to  English 
under  the  pressure  of  both  public  opinion  in 
general  and  that  of  the  members  of  their  own 
group.  "It  is  an  injustice  to  our  own  people  if 
we  teach  them  a  foreign  tongue  instead  of  the 
language  of  this  country,"  stated  a  Lutheran 
pastor  to  the  writer. 

But  in  many  cases  the  nationalistic  leaders 
expressed  their  dissatisfaction  with  the  changes 
"enforced"  upon  them.  They  expressed  the 
opinion  that  after  peace  is  established  their  peo- 
ple would  have  things  their  own  way  through 
their  votes.  Many  of  them  are  already  natural- 
ized and  still  more  are  going  to  be. 

TEMPORARY   USEFULNESS 

The  elementary  foreign-language  schools  un- 
doubtedly perform  a  service  in  preventing  the 
disruption  of  families  and  are  justified  to  this 
extent.  The  question  arises,  however,  whether 
much  more  cannot  be  done  to  assist  the  parents, 
through  evening  schools  and  home  teachers,  to 
learn  the  language  and  customs  of  the  country. 
If  this  work  could  be  adequately  done,  it  would 
not  be  necessary  to  hold  the  children  back  by 
teaching  them  a  foreign  language,  only  to  be  used 
to  bridge  a  temporary  gulf  in  their  homes. 

The  justification  for  foreign-language  elemen- 

13  179 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

tary  schools  does  not  apply  to  the  higher  institu- 
tions. In  the  Dutch  colony  at  Holland,  Mich- 
igan, the  writer  was  struck  by  the  fact  that 
while  the  people  were  largely  Americanized  and 
English  had  become  their  home  or  mother 
tongue,  the  colony  leaders  insisted  on  the  Dutch 
language  in  their  high  school  and  college.  The 
only  explanation  given  was  that  this  was  done 
unconsciously.  During  recent  years  they  had 
become  conscious  of  the  need  and  the  inevitable- 
ness  of  Americanization,  and,  as  a  result,  had 
substituted  English  for  Dutch  in  their  higher 
schools. 

The  Jewish  colony  in  Woodbine,  New  Jersey, 
had  a  Jewish  agricultural  college,  supported  by 
the  Hirsch  fund.  To  the  writer's  inquiries  as  to 
why  there  was  need  of  a  special  Jewish  agricul- 
tural college,  why  the  Jewish  boys  cannot  enter 
American  agricultural  colleges,  receiving  scholar- 
ships from  the  Hirsch  fund  if  need  be,  the 
answers  of  the  authorities  were  varied :  They  had 
to  follow  the  will  of  Baron  de  Hirsch;  in  a 
special  Jewish  institution  the  Jewish  boys  are 
kept  from  "going  astray";  teaching  and  train- 
ing can  be  better  adjusted  to  the  peculiarities  of 
the  Jewish  boys,  etc. 

NEED   FOR   REGULATION 

There  is  no  question  that  the  foreign-language 
private  schools  have   done  great  harm   to   the 

180 


PRIVATE  SCHOOLS 

country  as  a  whole  and  to  the  immigrants  them- 
selves.    The  question  is,  What  has  to  be  done? 

The  parochial  schools  must  be  regulated  by 
the  following  measures:  All  elementary  private 
schools  should  be  licensed  or  registered  in  the 
office  of  the  public-school  authorities;  all  should 
meet  the  same  requirements  as  the  elementary 
public  schools  in  regard  to  the  qualifications  of 
teachers,  school  terms,  program,  teaching  lan- 
guage, and  inspection  and  direction  by  the  public- 
school  authorities.  Exception  might  be  made  to 
permit  religious  instruction  certain  definite  hours 
during  the  week  to  the  American-born  children  in 
English  and  to  recently  arrived  immigrant  children 
in  their  mother  tongue  as  well  as  instruction  in 
their  mother  tongue  as  am  extra  cultural  subject. 
The  lessons  should  be  given  by  a  duly  qualified 
teacher. 

In  another  volume1  of  these  Studies  there  is 
a  further  discussion  of  a  successful  experiment 
along  this  line.  The  parochial  schools  of  New 
Hampshire  have  co-operated  voluntarily  with  the 
state  authorities.  Progress  toward  regulation 
and  the  establishment  of  a  minimum  standard  in 
all  schools  in  the  state  has  been  made.  Only 
through  some  such  provision  can  this  country 
insure  equal  opportunity  to  its  potential  citizens. 

1  Frank  V.  Thompson,  Schooling  of  the  Immigrant,  chap.  iv. 


X 

IMMIGRANT    CHURCHES 

Immigrant  or  foreign -language  churches  are 
needed  by  the  immigrants  so  long  as  they  have 
not  learned  to  understand  the  English  language. 
But  for  those  immigrants  who  have  been  long 
enough  in  this  country  to  know  English  and  for 
the  immigrants'  children  born  in  America  no 
foreign-language  churches  are  needed.  If  the 
church  authorities  conduct  the  church  services 
and  activities  in  a  foreign  tongue  for  those  immi- 
grants who  understand  and  speak  English,  they 
then  do  this  for  racial  or  nationalistic  reasons — 
as  a  service  to  the  old  country  or  to  a  nationality 
other  than  the  American  nationality.  That  this 
is  often  the  case  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  certain 
foreign  countries  have  been  financially  supporting 
churches  here  for  their  people  who  have  come  to 
America;  for  instance,  the  former  Russian 
monarchy  gave  liberally  for  the  establishment 
and  upkeep  of  Russian  Greek  Orthodox  churches 
in  this  country. 

In  the  use  of  foreign  language  in  nearly  all  the 
rural  colonies  visited  by  the  writer  where  there 

182 


IMMIGRANT  CHURCHES 

was  an  immigrant  church,  the  language  used  in 
the  church  services  was  the  old-country  tongue, 
although  occasionally  the  services  were  bilingual, 
both  English  and  the  foreign  tongue  being  used. 
In  North  Dakota  an  American  minister  de- 
scribed the  situation  as  follows: 

Most  of  the  German  Catholic  and  Lutheran  church  ser- 
vices are  in  German;  some  are  bilingual.  The  Lutherans 
almost  entirely  have  all-German  services.  In  the  western 
part  of  the  state  a  Bohemian  or  a  Slav  can  get  only  the 
German  tongue.  Scandinavian  churches  also  use  their  own 
tongue.  Ali  foreign  churches  here  use  their  own  languages. 
Quite  a  number  of  foreign  ministers  are  foreign  born.  Some 
can  scarcely  speak  English. 

At  a  hearing  before  the  state  Americanization 
Committee  in  Lincoln,  Nebraska,  held  in  the 
fall  of  1918,  a  large  number  of  the  priests  and 
pastors  of  immigrant  churches  testified  as  to  the 
use  of  the  old-country  language  in  their  church 
services  and  pleaded  for  its  retention.  It  was 
apparent  from  the  testimony  that  the  foreign- 
language  church  service  was  prevalent  through- 
out the  state  in  the  immigrant  churches.  Prac- 
tically every  priest  or  pastor  claimed  that  the 
majority  of  his  congregation  could  not  under- 
stand services  in  English. 

The  following  extracts  from  the  testimony  are 
characteristic.  Peculiar  emphasis  was  laid  by 
the  church  authorities  upon  the  fact  that  al- 
though the  people  might  understand  and  speak 

183 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

English  fluently  in  their  everyday  affairs,  yet 
they  could  not  understand  church  service  or 
religious  instruction  when  these  were  given  in 
English. 

Statement  of  H.  F.  Hensick,  Madison,  Ne- 
braska, pastor  of  German  Evangelical  Lutheran 
Church : 

In  my  own  congregation  in  Madison  there  are  thirty-six 
who  are  not  able  to  understand  the  religious  instruction  in 
English;  they  are  those  who  were  born  in  this  country  or 
who  came  here  years  back. 

Statement  of  Richard  Kuehne,  Lincoln,  Ne- 
braska : 

We  have  in  Lincoln  about  eight  thousand  German- 
Russian  people;  the  most  of  them  cannot  follow  an  English 
sermon  at  all. 

Statement  of  M.  Lebninger,  Plattsmouth,  Ne- 
braska, representing  Evangelical  Lutheran  Gen- 
eral Synod  of  Wisconsin  and  other  states: 

While  there  are  a  good  many  people  who  do  understand 
English  well  and  speak  it  quite  fluently  in  everyday  con- 
versation, they  all  have  had  their  religious  instruction  in 
German,  and  they  understand  a  German  sermon  where  they 
cannot  understand  an  English  one.  The  people  of  my 
church  have  come  partly  from  Germany  and  partly  from 
Canada,  and  many  communicant  members  are  native-born 
American  citizens,  and  still  it  is  a  fact  that  perhaps  only  half 
a  dozen  members  of  the  two  hundred  and  fifty  communicant 
members  will  have  the  full  benefit  of  an  English  sermon. 

Statement  of  Vic  Anderson,  Minden,  Ne- 
braska, Swedish  Lutheran: 

184 


IMMIGRANT   CHURCHES 

It  is  my  judgment  that  35  'per  cent  of  our  people  do  not 
understand  preaching  in  the  American  language.  They  can 
do  business  in  that  language,  but  when  it  comes  to  under- 
standing the  interpretation  of  the  Bible,  they  would  like  to 
have  it  in  the  Swedish  language  because  that  is  the  language 
that  their  fathers  and  mothers  taught  them  in. 

Statement  of  John  H.  Steger,  Plattsmouth, 
Nebraska,  St.  Paul  German  Church: 

Half  of  my  congregation  cannot  understand  the  English 
language. 

Statement  of  C.  F.  Brommer,  Hampton,  Ne- 
braska, Lutheran  pastor: 

In  every  congregation,  but  mostly  in  the  congregations  of 
the  city,  we  have  people  who  understand  the  English  sermon 
as  well  as  the  German  sermon,  and  then  I  think  the  majority 
speak,  read,  and  write  English,  in  common,  everyday  life, 
perfectly,  but  they  still  would  derive  greater  benefit  from 
the  German  than  the  English  sermon,  and  I  think  there  are 
probably  nearly  98  per  cent  of  our  congregations  and  people 
who  do  not  understand  the  English  sermons  and  never  will 
learn  to  understand  them.  These  are  mostly  old  people. 
When  they  came  here  they  did  not  have  the  time  nor  the 
opportunity  to  learn  the  English  language. 

Statement  of  Adolph  Matzner,  Lincoln,  Ne- 
braska, representing  the  Nebraska  district  of  the 
German  Evangelical  Synod  of  North  America: 

The  majority  of  the  voting  members  of  our  congregation 
are  immigrants.  They  came  to  this  country  thirty  or  forty 
years  ago;  they  settled  in  the  country;  they  had  no  oppor- 
tunity to  get  acquainted  and  to  learn  the  American  language. 
In  the  country  and  small  towns  they  have  no  night  schools, 
and  these  people  never  had  a  chance  to  learn  the  American 

185 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

language.  We  have  members  in  the  congregation  who  are 
able  to  understand  it,  or  at  least  able  to  do  their  business  in 
the  American  language.  They  can  talk  to  you  about  politics 
and  about  the  weather,  but  they  cannot  get  the  benefit  from 
an  American  sermon  that  they  can  from  a  German  sermon. 
They  would  perhaps  understand  a  sermon  on  how  to  keep 
cool  on  a  hot  day,  but  when  you  come  to  a  sermon  on 
religious  subjects  they  are  not  able  to  understand  it. 

Most  of  the  priests  and  pastors  stated  that 
there  were  so  many  difficulties  in  the  way  of 
having  separate  English  and  foreign-language 
services,  the  former  for  the  children  and  those 
who  understand  English,  and  the  latter  for  the 
old  people  who  do  not  understand  English,  that 
it  would  be  practically  impossible  to  do  this. 
The  argument  usually  given  was  that  presented 
by  Joseph  G.  Votava  of  Omaha,  a  Roman 
Catholic,  representing  the  Bohemians: 

About  having  separate  meetings  for  the  old  folks  and  the 
children — this  question  came  up  from  Greeley  County,  and 
they  wanted  us  to  have  our  German  service  between  nine 
and  ten,  and  Sunday  school  between  ten  and  eleven,  and 
from  eleven  to  twelve  an  English  sermon.  The  old  folks 
and  the  children  come  together  in  the  same  vehicle,  and 
they  certainly  don't  expect  the  children  to  sit  down  on  the 
curbing  or  in  the  shade  until  the  old  folks  get  through,  and 
therefore  it  is  hard  to  separate  the  meetings  in  the  rural  dis- 
tricts, of  which  we  have  many  congregations  all  over  the 
state. 

BILINGUAL   SERVICES 

That  it  is  possible  to  have  bilingual  services  suc- 
cessfully was  testified  to  by  John  P.  Gross,  Hast- 

186 


IMMIGRANT  CHURCHES 

ings,  Nebraska,  a  United  States  citizen  born  in 
Russia,  representing  the  Adams  County  Council 
of  Defense.     He  said: 

Then  we  were  told  to  have  one  preaching  service  a  week 
in  the  English  language,  and  we  all  agreed  to  do  that,  and 
we  were  told  we  could  have  as  much  German  besides  that 
one  English  sermon  as  we  wanted.  And  we  agreed  to  have 
that  one  English  sermon.  I  went  to  my  congregation  of 
three  hundred  and  fifty  people,  at  least  half  of  whom  did 
not  get  any  benefit  from  the  English  sermon,  and  I  put  it 
before  them  and  told  them,  this  is  what  we  are  requested 
to  do;  you  don't  have  to  do  it,  but  they  would  like  to  have 
you  do  it,  and  they  unanimously  voted  in  my  church,  and 
every  other  church  in  the  county,  to  adopt  the  plan.  Our 
congregations  in  the  evening  are  not  as  large  as  before 
because  some  of  the  older  people  do  not  come  now,  but 
enough  come  to  church  who  are  living  in  our  community  so 
that  we  can  hold  the  service.  So  we  have  lost  in  one  way, 
but  we  are  slowly  gaining  along  another  way;  one  old 
grandfather  there  said  it  would  have  been  better  if  these 
plans  had  been  adopted  fifteen  years  ago.  And  this  plan 
has  worked  very  satisfactorily  in  our  county. 

In  several  of  the  rural  immigrant  communities 
visited  by  the  writer  there  were  successful  bi- 
lingual churches.  In  the  Polish  colony  at  Posen, 
Michigan,  the  sermon  in  the  Catholic  Church  is 
in  two  languages,  Polish  and  English.  The 
priest  explained  that  the  Polish  language  is 
needed,  as  the  people,  especially  the  older  people, 
understand  it  better  and  the  priest  is  able  to 
penetrate  their  souls  more  intimately  in  their 
mother  tongue.  The  English  language  is  needed 
for  two  reasons:   among  the  colonists  are  a  few 

187 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

American  farmers  who  belong  to  the  same  church 
and  do  not  speak  Polish ;  and  a  few  of  the  younger 
generation  understand  English  better  than  Polish, 
especially  those  newcomers  who  have  been  born 
outside  of  the  colony  among  Americans. 

In  the  Dutch  colony  at  Holland,  Michigan,  the 
churches  are  bilingual.  One  service  in  the 
morning  is  in  the  Dutch  language  and  the  other 
in  the  evening  is  in  the  English  language.  Eng- 
lish has  become  a  necessity  because  a  number  of 
the  young  people  have  difficulty  in  understanding 
Dutch,  and  also  because  a  number  of  the  congre- 
gation are  either  native  born  or  of  some  other 
nationality. 

ENGLISH   FAVORED   BY   MEMBERS 

On  the  whole,  the  writer,  in  his  field  study,  was 
impressed  by  the  fact  that  the  rank  and  file  of 
the  immigrant  congregations  favored  the  English- 
language  service,  while  the  priests  and  pastors 
were  opposing  it.  Whenever  an  English-1  ineiu'ge 
service  had  been  lately  introduced  it  had  been  done 
under  the  pressure  either  of  the  members  of  the 
congregation  or  of  the  state  Council  of  Defense. 
The  clergy  often  maintained  that  the  foreign- 
language  service  was  needed,  even  in  cases 
where  the  members  of  the  congregation  were 
largely  American  born  and  understood  and  spoke 
English  well  in  everyday  life.    Perhaps  the  most 

188 


IMMIGRANT  CHURCHES 

conspicuous  in  making  such  claims  were  the 
German  Catholic  and  Lutheran  priests  and  pas- 
tors. According  to  a  number  of  them,  no  other 
language  than  German  is  suited  for  services,  no 
matter  how  far  advanced  the  church  members 
are  in  the  use  of  English. 

There  were  cases  where  among  the  member- 
ship of  a  German-language  church  there  were 
Bohemians  or  Scandinavians  or  Poles.  To  the 
writer's  question  whether  services  for  these 
people  were  conducted  in  their  mother  tongue, 
the  answer  was  usually  given  in  the  negative, 
with  the  explanation  that  there  was  no  money 
to  engage  additional  preachers  and  that  these 
people  understood  German  well.  The  only  ex- 
planation of  such  extreme  claims  for  foreign - 
language  services  is  the  nationalism  of  the  clergy. 

OPPOSITION   TO    "iNTERFAITH"    MARRIAGES 

Certain  church  authorities  hinder  amalgamation 
of  the  immigrants  by  making  severe  require- 
ments in  regard  to  "interfaith"  marriages.  For 
instance,  in  a  case  where  one  party  is  Catholic 
and  the  other  is  not,  the  Catholic  Church  requires 
a  written  sworn  statement  from  both  parties  in 
regard  to  certain  conditions  which  they  must  ful- 
fill in  their  married  life.  What  these  conditions 
are  the  following  blank  given  to  the  writer  by  a 
Catholic  bishop  shows : 

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IMMIGRANT  CHURCHES 

There  is  no  question  that  such  requirements 
may  prevent  a  number  of  marriages  between 
native  born  and  immigrants,  when  one  is  a 
Catholic  and  the  other  a  non-Catholic.  It  is  not 
always  possible  for  a  non-Catholic  to  follow  the 
required  conditions  and  as  a  result  family  quar- 
rels and  the  disruption  of  families  may  occur. 
The  writer  has  observed  three  such  cases.  In 
one  case  there  were  involved  a  native  and  an 
immigrant,  and  in  two  cases  immigrants  alone. 

A  similar  ban  or  check  on  interfaith,  which 
often  means  international,  marriages  is  found 
among  sectarian  immigrant  groups.  Their  ex- 
treme religious  sentiment  prevents  them  from 
marrying  outsiders,  and  as  a  result  inbreeding 
occurs.  They  marry  close  relatives  and  de- 
fectives. For  instance,  near  Lincoln,  Nebraska, 
where  a  small  German  colony  of  Mennonites  is 
settled,  the  birth  of  idiots  and  otherwise  de- 
fective children  was  so  noticeable  that  the 
colony's  leaders  and  their  neighbors  decided  to 
bring  about  a  change.  The  marriage  of  close 
relatives  was  prohibited  and  the  ban  on  mar- 
riage with  outsiders  was  done  away  with.  This 
change  has  had  a  very  good  result,  according  to 
the  colony's  leaders.  The  change  was  possible 
only  because  the  sectarian  beliefs  had  been 
weakened  under  the  pressure  of  the  general 
American  conditions. 

The  orthodox  Jews  are  similarly  opposed  to 

191 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

the  marriage  of  their  members  with  the  Gentiles. 
So  far  as  the  writer  has  learned,  they  do  not  re- 
quire signed  promises.  They  are  uncompromis- 
ing in  such  matters  and  ostracize  any  one  of  their 
members  who  marries  an  outsider. 

The  usual  explanation  of  the  need  of  such  a 
ban  or  check  on  interfaith  marriages  is  that  if 
the  parents  are  of  different  faiths  the  children 
will  be  lost  to  the  Church.  Whatever  the  expla- 
nation or  justification  of  the  Church  opposition 
to  interfaith  marriages,  it  often  applies  to  immi- 
grants and  makes  for  their  continued  separation 
from  America. 

IMMIGRANT   PASTORS 

Very  often  the  priests  and  pastors  of  the  immi- 
grant churches  are  freshly  arrived  immigrants 
themselves.  They  scarcely  speak  English  and 
know  little  about  America.  Consequently  they 
are  not  able  to  educate  the  members  of  their  con- 
gregations in  American  ways.  On  the  contrary, 
they  tend  to  criticize  America  and  favor  their 
old  country  in  their  sermons,  public  addresses, 
and  activities.  During  recent  years  quite  a 
number  of  such  church  heads  have  been  prose- 
cuted in  the  courts  for  their  seditious  utterances 
and  activities. 

Testimony  given   at  the  hearing  before  the 
state   Americanization    Committee   in   Lincoln, 

192 


IMMIGRANT  CHURCHES 

Nebraska,  showed  how  many  of  the  ministers 
know  little  of  the  English  language  and  little  of 
America: 

Joseph  G.  Votava  of  Omaha,  representing  the 
Bohemians,  Roman  Catholic,  stated: 

A  great  many  of  the  ministers  have  come  from  foreign 
churches  and  countries,  and  if  you  gentlemen  were  forced 
to  listen  to  them  making  English  sermons,  I  don't  know 
whether  you  would  go  to  church  very  often  or  not. 

Rev.  F.  E.  Pomp,  Omaha,  representing  the 
Swedish  Evangelical  Mission  Association  of 
Nebraska,  said: 

A  great  many  of  the  ministers  in  our  denomination  were 
born  in  Sweden;  some  preach  very  well  in  English,  but  the 
majority,  perhaps,  of  those  born  in  Sweden  cannot  preach 
in  the  English  language. 

The  statement  of  Rev.  Matt  W.  Nemec, 
Wahoo,  Nebraska,  Bohemian  Roman  Catholic, 
was: 

There  are  eight  of  these  gentlemen  who  have  come  over 
here  and  are  in  training,  and  they  cannot  speak  the  English 
language  fluently,  and  it  would  be  a  great  hardship  for  them 
to  come  up  before  the  young  people  who  speak  English  very 
well  and  try  to  preach  in  English. 


POTENTIAL   POWEKS   FOR   GOOD 

An  immigrant  church  can  do  much  toward  the 
amalgamation  of  its  members.    There  are  a  few 

193 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

immigrant  churches,  Catholic  as  well  as  Protes- 
tant, which  are  doing  valuable  work  in  this 
direction.  But  while  an  immigrant  church  can 
do  much  good  it  also  can  do  much  harm  when  its 
services  and  activities  are  conducted  in  the 
spirit  of  preference  of  the  old  country  to  America. 
To  prevent  such  harm  some  action  must  be  taken 
by  the  public. 

The  writer  recommends  that  the  immigrant 
church  heads  (priests,  pastors,  ministers,  rabbis, 
and  others)  should  be  American  citizens  either 
by  birth  or  by  naturalization.  Foreign-language 
services  should  be  conducted  for  freshly  arrived 
immigrants  only,  and  for  those  old-time  immi- 
grants who  have  not  mastered  English. 

Immigrant  churches  should  be  required  to 
report  regularly  on  the  Americanization  progress 
of  their  congregations  (number  of  families,  home 
language,  service  language,  naturalization,  etc.) 
to  the  state  or  Federal  Bureau  of  Education. 


XI 

THE    PUBLIC    SCHOOL 

The  preceding  three  chapters  show  how  im- 
portant is  the  public  school  as  an  instrumentality 
of  Americanization.  The  question  is  whether  the 
rural  public  school  meets  present-day  require- 
ments. Field  investigations  and  search  through 
both  public  and  private  reports  have  convinced 
the  writer  that  the  rural  public  school  is  the  most 
neglected  class  of  all  the  educational  institutions 
in  the  country.  It  is  far  behind  the  times.  It  not 
only  does  not  adequately  meet  the  problem  of 
immigrant  children,  but  it  does  not  even  root  out 
illiteracy  from  the  rural  population  in  general. 
Some  of  its  limiting  features  are  inevitable,  while 
others  are  gradually  being  changed. 

LIMITATIONS   OF   THE   ONE-TEACHER   SCHOOL 

The  great  majority  of  rural  public  schools  are  one- 
teacher  schools.  The  Commissioner  of  Public 
Education  of  California  stated  that  there  were 
in  the  state  of  California  in  1918,  2,300  one-room 
public  schools  and  410  two-room  schools.    Over 

14  195 


A  STAKE   IN  THE  LAND 

a  third  of  all  the  Wisconsin  school  children,  city 
as  well  as  country,  and  42  per  cent  of  the  Wiscon- 
sin school-teachers,  are  found  in  the  one-teacher 
country  schools.1  A  report  on  school  conditions 
in  Arizona  shows  that  149  rural  schools,  or  70 
per  cent  of  a  total  of  214  reporting,  are  one- 
teacher  schools.2 

The  one-teacher  school  usually  means  a  crowd 
of  children  of  various  grades  taught  by  one 
teacher  during  the  same  day.  In  most  cases  the 
recitation  work  can  go  on  only  with  one  grade 
at  a  time,  while  the  other  grades  have  to  do  study 
work.  Without  the  supervision  of  the  teacher, 
this  is  much  less  efficient  than  the  recitation 
work.  About  two  thirds  of  the  rural  teachers 
answering  questionnaires  sent  out  by  the  United 
States  Bureau  of  Education3  instructed  eight  or 
more  grades  and  held  from  twenty-two  to  thirty- 
five  classes  a  day,  which  means  that  the  recitations 
averaged  the  absurdly  short  time  of  nine  to  thir- 
teen minutes.  A  few  teachers  manage  to  lengthen 
the  recitations  by  a  system  of  organizing  the 
grades  into  groups  and  of  combining  classes,  but 
this  is  the  exception,  not  the  rule. 

As  a  rule  the  one-teacher  schools  have  limited 


1  C.  P.  Cary,  Education  in  Wisconsin,  19U-16  (1917),  p.  51. 

2  "  Educational  Conditions  in  Arizona,"  United  States  Bureau  of 
Education  Bulletin  No.  44,  1917,  p.  46. 

3  H.  W.  Foght,  "Efficiency  and  Preparation  of  Rural  School 
Teachers,"  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  No.  49,  1914, 
p.  19. 

196 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

room  and  equipment.  Most  of  these  schools 
visited  by  the  writer  were  small  one-room  frame 
buildings  with  porchlike  attachments  on  which 
were  built  a  tiny  hall  and  dressing  "  rooms."  Quite 
a  few  did  not  have  even  these  "modern  conven- 
iences." The  toilets  are  usually  at  a  distance 
from  the  building  and  are  not  always  kept  clean. 

Several  teachers  stated  that  the  smallness  and 
poverty  of  the  schools  have  a  depressing  influence 
upon  the  teachers  and  prevent  any  great  respect 
on  the  part  of  the  people  toward  the  school. 

A  third  defect  of  the  one-teacher  school  con- 
sists in  its  monotony  and  lack  of  color  and 
variety  as  compared  with  larger  schools.  Rivalry 
is  lacking  and  the  recreation  enterprises  are 
limited.  Of  course,  much  depends  upon  the 
qualities  of  the  individual  teacher,  but  a  good 
teacher  does  not  stay  long  in  a  one-teacher  school ; 
she  is  attracted  by  better  opportunities  elsewhere. 

Dissatisfaction  with  the  one-teacher  school  the 
writer  found  to  be  quite  general,  even  among  the 
immigrant  settlers.  The  Finnish  settlers  at  Rud- 
yard  in  upper  Michigan  expressed  the  wish  that 
the  government  should  give  a  better  public-school 
system,  although  the  existing  schools  were  said  to 
be  standard  schools.  They  wanted  three  or  four- 
room  schools,  a  better  heating  system,  and  higher 
salaries  for  teachers.  Only  in  this  way  could 
better  teaching  forces  be  attracted  and  kept 
steadily  in  the  same  schools. 

197 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

The  Polish  colonists  in  Posen,  Michigan,  ex- 
plained that  they  have  six  one-room  standard 
public  schools  in  the  colony  and  its  vicinity,  but 
that  as  the  teacher  has  to  deal  at  the  same  time 
with  eight  grades  the  efficiency  of  her  work  is 
naturallv  below  what  it  should  be.  The  settlers 
said  that  consolidation  or  enlargement  of  the 
schools  is  badly  needed.  No  agricultural  training 
is  included  in  the  school  work. 

Reverend  Kuizinga  of  the  Dutch  colony  at 
Holland,  Michigan,  stated  that  in  the  backwoods 
parts  of  the  colony,  in  purely  rural  districts,  the 
school  activities  ought  to  be  more  efficient  than 
they  are;  certain  schools  might  be  consolidated 
so  as  to  make  fewer  grades  for  one  teacher, 
teachers'  salaries  must  be  increased,  and  the  pro- 
gram for  teaching  citizenship  broadened. 

A  leader  of  an  Italian  colony  at  Canastota, 
New  York,  stated  that  the  Italian  parents  appre- 
ciate the  schooling  of  their  children,  who  attend 
the  American  public  schools,  speak  English 
among  themselves,  and  prefer  the  American  to 
the  Italian  ways  of  life.  In  regard  to  the  same 
colony,  the  county  school  superintendent  said 
that  the  Italian  children  attend  school  fairly 
regularly,  are  able  pupils,  and  excel  American 
children  in  their  studies. 

There  is  at  least  one  school  district  in  the 
same  colony  which  has  a  defective  one-teacher 
school,  which  the  writer  chanced  to  visit.     The 

198 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

trustee  of  the  school,  an  American  woman,  mar- 
ried to  an  unnaturalized  Italian  settler,  said 
that  she  was  worried  about  getting  a  school- 
teacher for  next  year,  as  the  county  pays  only 
$17  a  week.  Last  year  it  paid  $15,  and  that  was 
an  increase  of  $3  over  the  former  salary.  She 
thought  the  county  might  possibly  pay  $20  this 
year  if  she  could  not  get  anyone  for  less.  The 
people  did  not  like  the  teacher  they  had  last 
year — they  thought  she  did  not  know  enough. 
There  are  now  seventy-three  children  of  school 
age,  but  there  were  only  twenty-six  before,  and 
the  schoolhouse  is  only  large  enough  for  twenty- 
six.  The  building  is  very  small,  oblong  in  shape, 
with  a  small  partition  at  one  end  for  cloakroom 
and  entrance.  The  school  board  voted  $250  for 
enlarging  the  building  and  taking  down  the  par- 
tition, but  the  trustee  was  certain  that  this 
would  not  be  done  for  that  small  sum,  as  "lumber 
is  so  high,  and  the  carpenter  wants  something." 
The  building  needed  painting  and  a  number  of 
the  windows  were  broken  The  woman  said  that 
last  year  many  children  of  school  age  worked  in- 
stead of  going  to  school,  as  there  was  nobody  to 
force  them  to  go.  Now  that  she  was  trustee,  she 
said,  she  would  see  that  everybody  went. 

GROWTH   OF   THE   CONSOLIDATED   SCHOOL 

The  defects  of  the  one-teacher  school  have  led  to 
the  consolidation  movement  which  is  rapidly  de- 

199 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

veloping  throughout  the  country.  The  Superin- 
tendent of  Public  Instruction  of  North  Dakota 
reported  in  1916  that  the  consolidated  school  was 
becoming  more  and  more  the  school  of  the  rural 
districts  and  he  recommended  liberal  state  aid 
to  these  schools.  There  were  at  that  time  123 
"open  country"  consolidated  schools  in  the  state 
and  210  town  consolidated  schools,  the  latter 
being  in  reality  rural  schools. 

One  county  superintendent  reported  that  in 
the  last  two  years  a  number  of  districts  had 
voted  to  consolidate  their  schools;  another  said 
that  40  per  cent  of  the  pupils  were  attending 
consolidated  schools.  The  Rural  School  Com- 
missioner of  Minnesota  stated  that  consolidation 
has  a  very  promising  growth  in  the  state;  that 
210  districts  have  been  organized,  half  of  which 
were  established  during  the  two  years  ending  in 
1916.  And  so  the  story  goes  in  each  state  that 
has  a  largely  rural  population. 

There  is  some  opposition  to  this  movement  by 
parents  who  live  farthest  from  a  proposed  con- 
solidated school,  because  of  the  distance  and  in- 
ability to  provide  children  with  hot  lunches. 
But  this  opposition  is  easily  overcome  by  the 
provision  of  public  transportation  facilities  for 
the  children  and  by  serving  hot  lunches  at  the 
schoolhouses.  Some  opposition  comes  from  the 
landowners  in  the  neighborhood  of  a  one-teacher 
school  which  has  to  be  closed  on  account  of  con- 

200 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

solidation.  Their  fear  that  there  will  be  a  lower- 
ing of  land  values  is  baseless,  as  the  settlers  in 
that  section  get  much  better  school  accommo- 
dations through  consolidation  than  they  had 
before. 

Advantages  of  the  consolidated  school  over  the 
one-teacher  school  are  obvious.  It  makes  pos- 
sible a  better  division  of  time  in  recitation  and 
study.  The  teaching  is  more  efficient  on  account 
of  specialization  and  a  better  and  more  stable 
teaching  staff. 

In  the  office  of  the  State  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction,  North  Dakota,  the  writer 
found  the  following  statements  in  the  reports  of 
various  county  superintendents  for  1916.1 

Barnes  County: 

The  past  two  years  have  been  marked  by  the  number  of 
districts  that  have  voted  to  consolidate  their  schools.  Five 
township  consolidated  schools  have  been  built  in  the  open 
country.  Each  of  these  buildings  has  four  schoolrooms,  a 
good-sized  gymnasium,  an  auditorium  with  a  stage,  domes- 
tic-science room,  and  a  manual-training  room.  They  are 
modern  buildings  in  every  respect,  steam  heated,  water  sys- 
tem for  drinking  fountains  and  toilets.  One  six-room  village 
consolidated  school  and  one  open  country  two-room  school 
have  also  been  completed.  They  are  also  modern  buildings. 
In  these  schools  the  country  child  has  equal  opportunities 
with  the  city  child.  These  schoolhouses  are  used  as  centers 
for  the  social  life  of  the  neighborhood  and  are  proving  most 
successful. 


1  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  North  Dakota, 
1914-16,  pp.  84,  85,  87,  89,  109. 

201 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Benson  County: 

Several  districts  during  the  past  two  years  have  consolidated . 
We  believe  these  schools  are  demonstrating  their  superiority 
over  one-room  schools  at  least  in  the  way  of  graduating  pupils 
from  the  eighth  grade.  Ten  schools  operating  as  consolidated 
schools  graduated  as  many  farm  boys  and  girls  as  did  nearly 
eighty  one-room  schools,  during  the  past  year. 

In  connection  with  practically  every  consolidated  school 
is  some  form  of  community  or  farmer's  club.  .  .  .  Especially 
during  the  past  year  much  was  done  through  these  agencies 
for  the  promotion  of  rural  life,  social  and  educational.  The 
consolidated  school  principal,  with  his  faculty,  is  experienc- 
ing a  new  and  enlarged  obligation  and  opportunity. 

Bowman  County: 

Considerable  work  for  consolidation  has  been  done  from 
this  office.  Sixteen  public  meetings  have  been  held,  and  the 
proposition  of  consolidation  thoroughly  discussed  with  more 
than  twelve  hundred  of  our  people.  Through  this  system 
of  education  the  movement  is  finding  favor  with  our  people, 
and  it  will  be  only  a  short  time  before  more  than  half  of  this 
county  is  consolidated. 

McHenry  County: 

We  have  three  purely  country  consolidated  schools,  each 
serving  a  township,  and  from  our  experience  here  we  have 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  districts  of  this  kind  are  not  a 
success  with  bus  transportation  unless  they  have  an  assessed 
valuation  of  $175,000  or  more.  Part  of  the  burden  of  trans- 
portation must  be  borne  by  parents  of  the  children  attend- 
ing school.  With  the  family  transportation  system  these 
schools  are  working  out  very  well,  being  able  to  employ 
three  teachers  and  run  nine  months  of  school  per  year  with- 
out exceeding  the  maximum  tax  levy. 

Eighteen  consolidated  and  graded  schools  were  in  opera- 
tion in  the  county  last  year,  and  40.2  per  cent  of  all  the 
children  in  the  county  are  now  enjoying  graded  school 
facilities.  .  .  .  McHenry  is  a  purely  agricultural  county. 

202 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

Everywhere  the  consolidated  school  has  been 
successful  and  has  shown  far  greater  efficiency 
than  the  scattered  one-teacher  schools.  This 
gives  promise  that  the  consolidated  rural  school 
will  in  a  few  years  prevail. 

THE    RURAL    SCHOOL-TEACHER 

In  a  number  of  states  visited  by  the  writer  the 
prevailing  type  of  rural  school-teacher  was  a  girl 
of  from  eighteen  to  twenty  years  of  age.  That 
the  country  school-teacher  is  an  astonishingly 
young  person  is  attested  by  all  reports  on  the  sub- 
ject. An  educational  survey  of  South  Dakota1 
showed  that  the  largest  group  of  rural  teachers 
range  between  nineteen  and  twenty -five  years  of 
age;  twenty-nine  teachers  were  under  seventeen 
years  of  age,  and  fifty-three  were  just  seventeen. 
Most  of  the  teachers  about  whom  the  writer 
collected  information  were  serving  their  first  or 
second  year.  Only  a  few  had  been  teaching  for 
three  or  more  years.  According  to  the  above  sur- 
vey of  South  Dakota,  31  per  cent  of  the  rural 
teachers  were  teaching  their  first  school,  and 
only  9.6  per  cent  had  taught  as  many  as  four 
schools.  Few  teachers,  the  report  showed,  have 
taught  more  than  one  or  two  years  in  a  school, 
while  the  average  teaching  life  of  a  rural  teacher 
is  three  and  three  quarters  school  years.     The 

'"The  Educational  System  of  South  Dakota,"   United  States 
Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  No.  81,  1918. 

203 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 


instability  of  the  profession  is  so  great  that  it  is 
necessary  for  the  state  of  South  Dakota  to 
recruit  annually  about  one  third  of  its  total 
teaching  force  of  7,000. 

An  investigation  made  by  the  United  States 
Bureau  of  Education  in  1915  covering  all  sections 
of  the  country  found  that  the  number  of  school 
years  taught  by  the  average  rural  teacher  was 
six  and  one  half,  but  stated  that  the  large  ma- 
jority of  these  teachers  fell  far  below  the  average. 
The  average  time  spent  by  a  teacher  in  one  com- 
munity is  extremely  brief;  the  investigation 
showed  that  it  is  less  than  two  school  years,  or 
considerably  less  than  one  calendar  year.  Even 
this  average  is  considered  a  high  one  for  the 
majority  of  the  teachers. 

Equally  illuminating  figures  on  this  point  are 
contributed  by  the  state  of  Wisconsin.  The  state 
Superintendent  of  Education  reports  as  follows: 

TABLE  VII 

Length  of  Teaching  Service  in  Wisconsin  Rural 
Schools,  1915-16  l 


Period 


1  year  or  less . 

2  years 

3  years 

4  years 

years. 


6  years  and  over. 


Total. 


Teaching  Services 
in  Locality 

Total  Teaching 
Service 

4,136 

1,421 

1,650 

1,545 

508 

1,093 

187 

738 

83 

517 

66 

1,316 

6,630 


6,630 


1  C.  P.  Cary,  Education  in  Wisconsin,  1914-16  (1917),  p.  99. 

204 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

A  number  of  the  teachers  that  the  writer  inter- 
viewed had  only  grammar-school  education,  with 
a  year  or  two  of  high  school.  Only  a  few  had  full 
high-school  training.  In  general  the  training 
which  qualifies  the  rural  teacher  for  his  work  is 
appallingly  slight.  Of  the  rural  teachers  in 
South  Dakota  covered  by  the  survey  men- 
tioned, 58.3  per  cent  had  completed  a  four-year 
high-school  course;  45.8  per  cent  reported  at- 
tendance at  professional  schools;  54.2  per  cent 
became  teachers  by  taking  examinations  instead 
of  by  going  through  normal  schools  and  colleges 
of  education. 

The  investigation  of  the  United  States  Bureau 
of  Education  referred  to  above  brings  out  the 
striking  fact  that  about  one  third  of  the  rural 
teachers  have  had  no  professional  preparation 
whatever,  not  even  summer  courses  or  other 
short  courses.  It  was  discovered  that  4  per  cent 
of  them  had  less  than  eight  years  of  elementary, 
training,  and  that  45  per  cent  of  the  rural  teach- 
ers have  completed  four  years  of  high-school 
work,  but  have  not  done  more. 

A  bulletin  of  the  United  States  Bureau  of 
Education1  presents  the  following  facts  regarding 
the  training  of  rural  school-teachers :  The  average 
rural  school-teacher  remains  in  the  teaching  pro- 


1  H.  W.  Foght,  "Rural-Teacher  Preparation  in  County  Training 
Schools  and  High  Schools,"  United  States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulle- 
tin No.  31,  1917,  p.  5. 

205 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

fession  less  than  four  school  years  of  140  days 
each.  This  means  a  complete  turn-over  of 
teachers  every  four  years,  or  that  about  87,500 
new  teachers  must  be  provided  annually.  During 
the  school  year  ending  1915  the  normal  schools 
graduated  21,944  students.  It  is  quite  certain 
that  most  of  these  found  positions  in  towns  and 
cities,  as  did  most  of  those  graduating  from 
schools  of  education  in  universities  and  col- 
leges. Therefore  the  great  majority  of  the 
87,500  new  teachers  needed  annually  for  the 
rural  schools  must  go  to  their  work  professionally 
unprepared. 

Extracts  from  the  reports  of  county  superin- 
tendents in  various  states  show  the  same  low 
level  of  qualifications;  one  reports  that  nearly 
40  per  cent  of  his  teachers  have  been  untrained 
and  inexperienced.  The  following  quotations  are 
taken  almost  at  random  from  the  1916  reports 
of  county  superintendents  filed  in  the  office  of 
the  state  Superintendent  of  Public  Education  of 
North  Dakota,1  and  might  be  duplicated  by  re- 
ports from  almost  any  other  state  having  a  largely 
rural  population. 

Bowman  County: 

During  the  last  two  years  (1914  and  1915)  nearly  40  per 
cent  of  our  teachers  have  been  untrained  and  inexperienced. 
We  are  trying  to  convince  our  school  boards  that  training 


1  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  North  Dakota, 
1914-16,  pp.  89,  107. 

206 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

for  teaching  is  just  as  essential  as  training  for  any  other 
vocation  in  life,  and  that  the  trained  teacher  is  worth  more 
and  should  receive  more  pay  than  the  untrained,  and  that 
the  sooner  we  engage  trained  teachers  for  our  schools  the 
sooner  we  will  have  better  schools. 

Logan  County: 

There  is  a  lack  of  permanency  in  the  teaching  force  (due 
to  lack  of  resident  teachers — over  90  per  cent  are  non- 
residents), and  this  has  many  disadvantages.  Too  many  of 
the  rural  teachers  are  not  in  sympathy  with  the  rural  con- 
ditions in  this  county. 

The  teachers  in  the  rural  districts,  especially 
in  the  backwoods  places,  impressed  the  writer 
as  having  little  influence  upon  the  surrounding 
community,  particularly  in  cases  where  the 
community  was  composed  solely  of  immigrants. 
The  immigrants  seem  not  to  take  the  teacher 
seriously.  A  number  of  them  said  that  they  do 
not  go  for  any  practical  advice  to  the  school- 
teacher, believing  that  such  a  young  girl  knows 
little.  In  personal  interviews  the  teachers  said 
that  they  are  doing  some  Americanization  work 
by  explaining  to  the  children  certain  big  his- 
torical events  in  the  country's  life,  such  as 
Washington's  crossing  of  the  Delaware,  the 
battle  of  Bunker  Hill,  the  liberation  of  the  ne- 
groes. Their  understanding  of  the  difference 
between  the  American  democracy  and  the 
European  autocratic  and  aristocratic  govern- 
ments seemed  to  be  vague.     Even  their  knowl- 

207 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

edge  of  American  history  was  mechanical  rather 
than  conscious  or  interpretative.  In  general, 
the  writer  was  impressed  that  teachers  of  this 
type — young  girls — themselves  need  further  de- 
velopment before  they  can  do  effective  educa- 
tional work  in  the  schools,  not  to  speak  of  the 
community. 

The  teachers  themselves  complained  of  low 
salaries,  difficulties  in  handling  boys,  especially 
immigrant  boys  who  come  from  big  cities.  There 
are  hardships  in  finding  suitable  living  quarters 
and  board,  particularly  in  new  immigrant  colo- 
nies where  the  people  live  in  shanty-like  shelters 
and  continue  to  eat  pork  and  sauerkraut,  sour 
milk,  herring,  onions,  etc.  One  teacher,  a  girl 
about  nineteen,  told  the  writer  that  she  could 
find  an  American  farm  only  at  a  distance  of  five 
miles  from  the  school  and  that  she  had  a  hard 
time  to  reach  the  school  from  her  boarding  place 
in  the  winter  snows  and  blizzards. 

Not  one  of  the  teachers  interviewed  expected 
to  make  teaching  a  lifetime  profession.  They 
all  looked  upon  their  present  position  as  only  a 
stepping-stone  to  a  better  life.  They  hoped 
either  to  continue  study  and  go  through  college, 
or  to  take  up  skilled  office  work,  such  as  that  of 
a  stenographer  or  bookkeeper. 

The  average  salaries  of  rural  teachers  are 
given  in  the  reports  of  various  state  superin- 
tendents as  follows: 

208 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 


Average  monthly   salary  of  teachers  in  rural  schools  in 
North  Dakota:1 

Year  ended  June  30,  1914 $53.25 

Year  ended  June  30,  1915 54.92 

Average  monthly  wages  of  teachers  in  rural  districts  in 
South  Dakota:2 

Year  ended  June  30,  1915 $53.75 

Year  ended  June  30,  1916 55 .04 

Average  monthly  salary  of  teachers  in  Nebraska,  year  ended 
July,  1916 :3 

Males $73.21 

Females 50.94 

Average  monthly  wages  of  teachers  in  rural  districts  in 
Minnesota,  1916 :4 

Men $62.00 

Women 52.00 

Teaching   salaries   of  rural   school-teachers   in   Wisconsin, 
1914-15 :5 

Percentage  receiving  less  than  $40 0.2 

$40-$49 78.9 

50-59 17.9 

60-69 2.4 

70-79 0.5 

80-89 0.1 

90-  99 none 

In  regard  to  the  influence  of  the  nationality  of 
the  teacher  upon  her  work  in  a  public  school 
there  have  been  no  authoritative  data  published. 

1  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  North  Dakota, 
1914-16,  pp.  52,  70. 

2  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction,  South  Dakota, 
1916. 

3  Report  of  United  States  Commissioner  of  Education,  1917,  vol. 
ii,  p.  77. 

4  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  p.  8. 

5  C.  P.  Cary,  Education  in  Wisconsin,  191^-16  (1917),  p.  98. 

209 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

In  a  number  of  the  immigrant  colonies  investi- 
gated by  the  writer  immigrant  teachers  were 
employed.  While  both  the  colonists  and  their 
leaders  claimed  that  a  teacher  of  their  own  na- 
tionality can  get  better  results  in  her  work  than 
a  native  teacher,  because  of  her  intimate  knowl- 
edge of  the  colonists  and  their  children,  the 
school  authorities  and  the  native  neighbors  did 
not  believe  there  was  any  difference.  If  a 
teacher  of  foreign  parents  was  born  in  America 
or  immigrated  in  childhood,  has  received  Ameri- 
can schooling  and  normal  training,  and  if  she 
speaks  perfect  English,  knows  and  loves  the 
country,  there  cannot  be  any  difference. 

In  one  case  the  head  of  a  native  family  ex- 
pressed his  dislike  of  a  teacher  of  Finnish  na- 
tionality on  account  of  her  defective  English  and 
because  she  taught  foreign  songs  and  plays  to  the 
American  children.  As  the  teacher  was  on  vacation, 
the  writer  could  not  interview  her.  The  colonists 
themselves  believed  that  she  was  a  good  teacher, 
for  the  children  liked  her;  and  the  county  super- 
intendent was  satisfied  with  her  teaching  progress. 

In  Vineland,  New  Jersey,  there  were  four 
teachers  in  the  public  schools  of  Italian  parent- 
age. These  teachers  would  be  counted  as  Amer- 
icans in  every  way.  As  they  understand  Italian, 
know  the  Italian  immigrants  and  their  children, 
they  get  better  results  in  their  school  and  com- 
munity work  than  the  native  teacher.    One  good 

210 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

thing  is  that  they  stay  in  the  same  school  much 
longer  than  the  latter. 

In  general  the  writer  is  inclined  to  the  opinion 
that,  given  equivalent  abilities  and  training,  the 
teacher  with  the  command  of  the  foreign  lan- 
guage can  do  better  work  in  an  immigrant  com- 
munity than  a  native-born  teacher  who  speaks 
only  English.  Such  a  teacher  must  be  thor- 
oughly imbued  with  the  American  spirit  and 
traditions.  She  will  have  a  better  chance  of  im- 
parting these  to  her  pupils  and  their  parents  if 
she  has  also  a  knowledge  of,  and  sympathy  for, 
the  nationalistic  backgrounds  and  inclinations  of 
the  people  in  her  community.  This  is  a  rare 
combination  to  find  in  a  rural  school-teacher, 
but  it  typifies  the  characteristics  needed  to  suc- 
ceed in  amalgamating  the  colonists,  both  young 
and  old,  into  a  common  life  and  purpose. 

IRREGULAR  SCHOOL  ATTENDANCE 

It  is  a  fact  that  school  attendance  is  much  poorer 
in  the  agricultural  sections  than  in  the  industrial 
centers.  It  is  believed  that  on  an  average  about 
20  per  cent  of  the  rural  children  of  school  age  do 
not  attend  school  at  all.  The  attendance  of  the 
children  of  immigrant  settlers  is  less  than  that 
of  the  children  of  native  farmers.  The  immi- 
grants are  more  used  to  child  labor  in  the  old 

countries.     They  are  hard  pressed  financially, 
15  211 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

often  paying  off  mortgages  and  developing  new 
land.  The  land  and  colonization  companies  are 
sometimes  known  to  encourage  rather  than  dis- 
courage the  use  of  child  labor  by  the  settlers  in 
their  newly  created  colonies. 

The  states  vary  in  the  length  of  school  term 
provided  for  children,  ranging  from  about  five 
months  to  over  nine  months.  In  only  three  fifths 
of  the  states,  however,  are  children  compelled  by 
law  to  attend  the  full  school  year.1  In  only  rare 
cases  are  the  compulsory  attendance  laws  com- 
pletely inforced,  so  that  the  average  amount  of 
schooling  the  child  gets  is  less  than  that  pre- 
scribed by  law,  and  in  a  number  of  states  less 
than  the  amount  of  schooling  available.  This  is 
especially  true  in  rural  districts. 

The  situation  in  some  of  the  states  where  land 
settlement  is  being  carried  on  is  indicated  by  the 
data  given  below.  Although  urban  and  rural 
figures  are  not  distinguishable,  those  given  are  for 
predominantly  rural  territory.  Wherever  city 
populations  are  included  it  is  a  safe  assumption 
that  the  attendance  showing  is  better  than  in  the 
country  districts  alone.  In  Arizona,  where  con- 
ditions are  almost  entirely  rural,  the  percentage 
of  children  not  attending  any  school  is  14  per 
cent  or  above  in  every  county,  and  runs  as  high 
as  48  in  one  of  the  counties. 


1  Department  of  Interior,  Commissioner  of  Education,  Report, 
1917,  Vol.  II,  pp.  69,  77 

212 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 
TABLE  VIII 

Percentage  of  Population  in  Arizona  Six  to  Twenty  - 
one  Years  of  Age  in  Schools  and  Not  Attend- 
ing School,  1915-16  1 


Counties 

In  Public 

Schools 
(Per  Cent) 

Private  or 

Parochial 

Schools 

(Per  Cent) 

7 

3 
11 

1 

6 

1 

4 
11 
14 
12 

1 

5 

5 

1 

Attended  No 

School 

(Per  Cent) 

Apache 

77 
72 
70 
80 
78 
76 
81 
65 
72 
57 
77 
47 
70 
78 

16 

Cochise 

25 

Coconino 

Gila 

19 
19 

Graham 

Greenlee 

Maricopa 

Mohave 

Navajo 

16 
23 
15 
24 
14 

Pima 

31 

Pinal 

22 

Yavapai 

Yuma 

48 
25 
21 

The  irregular  attendance  of  children  at  the 
schools  in  rural  districts  of  Minnesota  is  com- 
mented upon  as  follows:2 

Irregular  attendance  is  an  evil  beyond  calculation,  and  we 
have  much  of  it  in  the  open  country  school.  Many  schools 
last  year  showed  an  average  daily  attendance  of  less  than 
60  per  cent — children  in  school  only  one  half  or  two  thirds 
of  the  time. 


1  "Educational  Conditions  in  Arizona,"  United  States  Bureau  of 
Education  Bulletin  No.  44,  1917,  p.  67. 

2  Minnesota  Department  of  Education,  Nineteenth  Biennial  Re- 
port, 1915-16,  pp.  34,  75,  87. 

213 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Anoka  County: 

The  loss  of  time  in  the  consolidated  school  is  only  two 
thirds  of  that  lost  in  the  other  rural  schools. 

Kittson  County: 

During  the  fall  of  the  year  farm  hands  are  very  scarce, 
and  many  of  the  older  children  have  to  be  kept  out  of  school 
to  assist  with  the  farm  work.  On  account  of  deep  snow  and 
cold  many  children  have  to  stay  out  of  school  during  winter. 
Transportation  in  winter  would  help  improve  attendance  in 
winter. 

The  per  cent  of  attendance  for  the  entire  state 
of  North  Dakota  was.  for  the  year  ending  June 
30,  1914,  87  per  cent,  and  for  the  following,  88 
per  cent.1  County  superintendents  in  the  state 
sent  in  the  following  reports  for  1916. 

Mcintosh  County,  which  is  largely  populated 
by  Germans: 

An  investigation  showed  that  hundreds  of  children  of 
school  age  were  either  not  attending  school  at  all  or  were 
lamentably  irregular  in  their  attendance,  for  no  legal  or 
otherwise  good  excuse.  In  order  to  set  an  example,  several 
cases  were  prosecuted,  and  this  seemed  to  have  a  good  moral 
effect  all  over  the  county. 

Ransom  County: 

About  half  our  county  is  consolidated.  I  find  that  we 
have  1,750  pupils  enrolled  in  our  graded  and  consolidated 
schools,  the  average  daily  attendance  of  which  is  75.4  per 


1  Fourteenth  Biennial  Report  of  the  Superintendent  of  Public  In- 
struction, North  Dakota,  1916,  pp.  67,  110,  121. 

214 


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THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

cent.    There  are  only  993  pupils  enrolled  in  the  one-room 
schools,  and  their  per  cent  of  attendance  is  59.4  per  cent. 

In  South  Dakota  the  actual  attendance  of 
those  enrolled  in  the  country  schools  is  less  than 
60  per  cent.1  From  Campbell  County  it  was 
reported  as  follows: 

Most  of  our  people  are  German-Russians  and  do  not  favor 
long  terms  of  school,  as  they  want  the  labor  of  their  chil- 
dren. For  this  reason  it  is  hard,  even  impossible,  to  secure 
regular  attendance.  Their  schools  must  not  begin  earlier 
than  October,  and  close  by  April  1st. 

The  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  of 
Nebraska  reports  for  1916  as  follows: 

The  average  daily  attendance,  based  on  enrollment,  is  a 
fraction  of  11  per  cent.  The  loss  is  mostly  to  the  rural 
children.  Country  people  find  it  somewhat  easier  to  pro- 
vide employment  for  their  children  than  do  the  people  of 
our  towns  and  cities,  consequently  the  attendance  in  our 
city  schools  is  larger  and  more  regular,  and  a  much  larger 
percentage  enroll. 

In  California  the  compulsory-school-attend- 
ance law  is  rigidly  enforced,  except  in  the  case 
of  floating  families.  In  this  connection  the  Com- 
missioner of  Public  Education  made  the  follow- 
ing explanation  to  the  writer:  The  California 
industries  are  mostly  seasonal,  which  means  that 
the  vast  majority  of  labor  forces  are  seasonal  and 
floating.     During  the  seasons  of  fruit  and  hop- 

1  Report  of  Superintendent  of  Public  Instruction  of  South  Dakota, 
1916. 

215 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

picking,  cannery  and  lumber  operations,  large 
numbers  of  laborers'  families  move  from  place  to 
place.  To  keep  track  of  their  children  and  to 
compel  their  school  attendance  is  almost  beyond 
the  power  of  the  present  school  authorities,  espe- 
cially as  they  are  now  organized. 

The  state  school-attendance  laws  vary  greatly, 
and  one  finds  still  more  variety  in  the  enforce- 
ment of  these  laws.  The  greatest  difficulties  are 
experienced  in  the  rural  districts.  Using  child 
labor  in  farming  is  a  deep-rooted  tradition.  The 
children  are  looked  upon  by  their  parents  as  their 
economic  asset.  Moreover,  it  is  a  hard-headed 
conviction  among  the  rural  population  that  child 
labor  is  beneficial  to  the  children  themselves; 
they  learn  to  work,  their  bodies  are  strength- 
ened, they  acquire  good  habits  of  life,  etc.  That 
the  children  are  deprived  of  the  opportunity  to 
play — to  develop  as  their  nature  requires— and 
to  acquire  a  general  education;  that  this  results 
in  their  mental  abilities  and  social  instincts  being 
undeveloped,  the  young  people  remaining  bash- 
ful and  shy;  and  that  even  their  physical  devel- 
opment is  greatly  restricted  by  overwork — the 
rural  advocates  of  child  labor  cannot  understand 
nor  recognize. 

In  many  cases  the  county  school  superintend- 
ents are  elected  by  the  people  who,  in  the  main, 
are  the  parents  of  children.  When  the  position 
of  the  superintendent  depends  upon  the  will  of 

216 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

the  parent  farmers,  it  is  often  impossible  to  en- 
force the  attendance  law. 


PRACTICAL   CURRICULUM    NEEDED 

There  is  widespread  dissatisfaction  with  the  pres- 
ent program  of  the  public  schools  among  the 
rural  population.  They  say  that  no  practical 
training  is  given  to  their  children.  They  feel 
that  the  teaching  is  aimed  to  prepare  their  chil- 
dren for  high  schools  and  colleges  only,  where 
only  a  very  small  percentage  ever  go.  For  in- 
stance, the  Minnesota  Department  of  Education 
reports  for  1915-16  that  approximately  70  per 
cent  of  the  country  children  do  not  go  beyond 
the  elementary  grades.  Only  5,532  out  of  215,- 
427  children  in  rural  schools  graduated  from  the 
eighth  grade  for  the  year.  Those  who  do  enter 
high  schools,  and,  later,  colleges,  are  indeed  lost 
to  the  rural  population,  for  the  college-trained 
boys  and  girls  seldom  return  to  the  soil.  The 
children  who  do  not  enter  high  school  remain  on 
the  farms,  but  they  have  secured  almost  no  prac- 
tical training  for  rural  life,  either  as  farmers  or 
farm  laborers.  Instead,  they  have  been  prepared 
for  high  school. 

The  school  program  was  especially  sharply 
criticized  by  the  Russian  sectarian  peasants  at 
Glendale,  Arizona.  "Why,  the  school  is  making 
out  of  our  children  dancers  and  soldiers  of  war, 

217 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

instead  of  farmers — soldiers  of  the  soil!"  ex- 
claimed a  gray-headed  "prophet"  in  disgust. 
Another  peasant,  perhaps  not  so  high  in  the  sec- 
tarian hierarchy,  wanted  the  school  to  teach 
their  boys  how  to  run  and  repair  automobiles 
and  tractors. 

The  observations  and  inquiries  of  the  writer 
led  him  to  the  conclusion  that  the  criticism  of  the 
school  program  by  various  elements  of  the  rural 
population  is  justified  to  a  large  extent.  The 
school  program  at  present  generally  prevailing 
offers  little  practical  training  for  farmers'  boys 
and  girls.  A  native  farmer  in  New  Jersey  ex- 
plained to  the  writer:  "There  is  no  use  keeping 
my  children  in  school  after  they  have  acquired 
knowledge  of  reading  and  writing.  They  grow 
and  learn  more  on  my  farm  than  in  the  school, 
for  I  want  them  to  become  land  tillers  and  cattle 
raisers."  This  is  perhaps  an  exaggerated  and 
overdrawn  statement,  but,  nevertheless,  the  pres- 
ent rural  public-school  program  works  in  favor 
of  the  city  at  the  expense  of  the  rural  com- 
munities. 

Up  to  recent  years  the  prevailing  teaching 
language  in  the  public  schools  has  been  English, 
but  in  a  number  of  the  public  schools  in  the 
immigrant  rural  sections  the  teaching  language 
has  been  German.  This  is  true  in  the  states  of 
Nebraska  and  North  Dakota.  A  prominent 
church  head  informed  the  writer  that  there  are 

218 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

at  least  half  a  dozen  schools  in  Mcintosh  County, 
North  Dakota,  paid  for  by  the  money  of  the 
state,  under  the  direction  of  the  County  Super- 
intendent of  Schools,  in  which  the  entire  teaching 
is  in  German. 

The  writer  found  still  more  numerous  cases 
where  a  foreign  tongue  was  a  subject  of  study  in 
the  elementary  public  school,  though  English  was 
the  teaching  language.  Both  a  foreign  tongue  as 
the  teaching  language  and  a  foreign  tongue  as  a 
subject  of  study  in  the  elementary  public  schools 
are  now  done  away  with  under  the  pressure  of 
public  sentiment  against  these  practices. 

NEED   FOR   EXPERT   ADMINISTRATION 

The  limitations  to  efficient  rural-school  adminis- 
tration are  many.  According  to  a  recent  bulletin 
of  the  United  States  Bureau  of  Education1  in 
more  than  half  of  the  states  the  county  superin- 
tendents are  elected  by  the  people,  and  in  the 
remaining  states  they  are  either  elected  or  ap- 
pointed by  county  boards,  county  courts,  state 
boards,  state  Commissioner  of  Education,  Gov- 
ernor, president  of  township  boards,  district 
boards  of  education,  city  or  town  boards,  town- 
ship directors,  parish  boards,  local  school  boards, 
or  union  boards. 


1  K.  M.  Cook  and  A.  C.  Monahan,  "Rural  School  Supervision," 
United  States  Bureau  of  Education  Bulletin  No.  48,  1916. 

219 


A  STAKE  IN  THE   LAND 

In  the  majority  of  cases  the  parents  control  the 
local  school  inspection  and  direction.  Such  demo- 
cratic control  would  be  desirable  provided  the 
parents  were  as  enlightened  and  expert  in  school 
training  and  education  problems  in  general  as 
school-teachers  and  their  inspectors  and  super- 
intendents. As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  parents, 
especially  in  the  rural  districts,  are  quite  back- 
ward, and  often  even  ignorant,  in  these  problems. 
This  is  the  root  of  the  trouble  with  the  local  school 
inspection  and  direction.  A  county  superintend- 
ent is  not  always  elected  for  his  merits  as  an 
educator,  but  often  for  his  popularity,  influence, 
and  "  agreeableness."  An  elected  county  super- 
intendent usually  cannot  come  into  conflict  with 
the  parents — for  instance,  by  insisting  on  a  rigid 
enforcement  of  the  school-attendance  law  en- 
tailing the  arrest  of  the  parents  for  disobeying 
the  law — without  losing  his  position  at  the  next 
election.  This  condition  causes  frequent  change 
or  "rotation"  of  the  county  school  superintend- 
ents, and  is  in  itself  a  considerable  defect,  of  the 
existing  system  of  school  inspection  and  direc- 
tion. With  a  few  exceptions,  county  superin- 
tendents who  were  interviewed  complained  of 
this  "rotation"  to  the  writer. 

In  most  cases  no  educational  or  experience 
qualifications  are  required  by  any  higher  au- 
thority for  inspectors.  As  a  result  local  politics, 
village  gossip,  and  jealousies  have  free  play. . 

220 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

Usually  there  is  no  provision  for  office  ex- 
penses, assistant,  or  clerical  force.  The  superin- 
tendent's salary  is  low,  often  lower  than  a 
teacher's  salary.  The  superintendent  of  Ziebach 
County,  South  Dakota,  received  only  $44.76 
monthly,  while  the  average  teacher's  salary  was 
$55.04  per  month.  Another  county  superintend- 
ent told  the  writer  that  all  his  salary  went  for 
gasoline  and  repairs  for  the  automobile  with 
which  he  made  his  inspection  tours.  To  the 
question  why  he  served  the  county  without  com- 
pensation he  answered,  "Because  I  love  the 
'game'  and  have  my  own  private  income." 

Another  defect  is  the  fact  that  the  superin- 
tendents have  to  cover  too  large  a  field.  A  county 
contains  from  one  hundred  to  three  hundred 
teachers,  and  nearly  as  many  schools.  The 
county  superintendent  is  able  properly  to  inspect 
all  the  schools  under  jurisdiction  only  once  or 
twice  a  year,  which  is  not  sufficient  for  the  direc- 
tion of  the  school  work.  Quite  a  number  of  the 
county  superintendents  complained  about  the 
lack  of  authority  over  teachers,  especially  in 
their  selection  and  appointment.  Under  such  a 
condition,  if  a  teacher  carries  out  the  superin- 
tendent's wish  or  advice,  she  does  so  merely  from 
courtesy. 

On  the  whole,  most  of  the  local  school  in- 
spectors and  superintendents  interviewed  by  the 

writer  impressed  him  favorably  so  far  as  personal 

221 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

character  went.  They  seemed  to  like  their  work 
and  were  doing  what  they  could  under  the 
circumstances. 


PROPOSED   MEASURES 

There  is  no  other  public  institution  in  the  coun- 
try so  varied  in  its  organization,  its  strength,  its 
methods  and  ways  as  the  elementary  public- 
school  system.  It  ranges  from  a  shanty-like  to 
a  palace-like  building,  from  a  teacher  almost 
illiterate  herself  to  a  teacher  with  an  education 
and  training  which  fit  her  for  a  college  chair,  from 
a  few  hundred  dollars  of  yearly  appropriation  to 
tens  of  thousands  of  dollars  for  upkeep  of  a 
single  school,  from  one  teacher  to  a  staff  of 
teachers  in  one  school,  from  an  almost  voluntary 
attendance  to  a  rigid  compulsory  attendance. 
All  these  wide  variations,  in  themselves  pic- 
turesque, are  a  weakness  of  the  system. 

When  the  writer  speaks  of  the  weakness  of  the 
elementary  public  schools  he  uses  this  term  in  a 
relative  sense,  keeping  always  in  mind  that  there 
is  no  other  tool  in  the  hands  of  the  government 
so  powerful  in  stamping  out  and  keeping  out 
illiteracy  and  hyphenism  as  the  public  school. 

To  make  it  meet  these  tasks  a  uniform  public- 
school  system  based  on  standard  requirements 
should  be  established  throughout  the  country 
by  the  Federal,  state,  and  local  governments 

222 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

closely  co-operating  with  one  another  for  this 
purpose. 

The  Federal  Bureau  of  Education  should 
certainly  be  developed  and  elevated  to  the 
status  of  a  department  similar  to  that  in  a 
number  of  the  states,  and  in  almost  all  foreign 
countries. 

The  reorganization  and  the  support  of  an 
efficient  public  -  school  system  would  require 
heavy  public  expenditure,  a  substantial  part  of 
which  should  be  contributed  by  the  Federal 
government  to  the  states  as  an  inducement  to  the 
latter  to  meet  the  minimum  standard  require- 
ments in  regard  to  the  public-school  system  and 
to  accept  Federal  inspection  of  the  schools  for 
the  purpose  of  ascertaining  that  the  states  and 
the  counties  were  keeping  to  the  minimum  re- 
quirements, which  might  be  as  follows: 

( 1 )  Enlargement  of  one-teacher  schools  through 
either  consolidation  or  development;  no  less  than 
two  teachers  and  no  less  than  three  classrooms  in 
each  school. 

(2)  At  least  a  general  high-school  education, 
two  years  of  training  in  teaching  methods,  prac- 
tical and  theoretical  acquaintance  with  agricul- 
ture, with  library  work,  with  first  aid  and  with 
recreation  and  community  activities,  should  be 
the  minimum  requirements  for  candidates  for 
teachers  in  the  rural  public  schools. 

(3)  The  rural  teacher  must  receive  a  satisfac- 

223 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

tory  living  salary  throughout  the  calendar  year, 
to  be  gradually  increased  as  the  years  of  service 
increase.  A  pension  for  old  age,  and  accident 
and  health  insurance,  should  be  provided.  Near 
the  schoolhouses  there  must  be  established 
"teacherages,"  small  experimental  farms  with 
family  living  houses  for  the  teachers. 

(4)  The  school  year  should  be  made  to  coin- 
cide with  the  calendar  year,  with  a  number  of 
short  vacations  during  the  time  of  special  farm- 
ing seasons,  such  as  planting  in  the  spring  and 
harvesting  in  the  fall.  The  work  done  by  the 
children  for  their  parents  during  the  vacations 
should  be  considered  as  a  part  of  their  school 
curriculum.  They  would  report  on  their  work 
to  the  school,  and  receive  instructions  on  how  to 
do  the  work  in  a  better  way,  and  at  times  the 
teacher  in  charge  of  the  children's  home  work 
would  make  inspection  and  instruction  tours  in 
the  district  during  the  vacation  periods. 

(5)  Each  child  must  be  compelled  to  attend 
the  public  school,  or  a  private  school  which  fully 
meets  the  requirements  of  the  public  school,  until 
he  has  completed  the  elementary-school  educa- 
tion. Such  school  attendance  should  be  rigidly 
enforced  throughout  the  country,  which  would 
be  possible  if  the  local  school  authorities,  in  the 
enforcement  of  the  law,  were  made  more  inde- 
pendent of  the  will  of  the  parents  in  their  dis- 
tricts.   In  addition  to  the  inspection  by  the  local 

22-t 


THE  PUBLIC  SCHOOL 

authorities,  a  Federal  system  of  inspection  and 
direction  should  be  established. 

(6)  English  should  be  the  teaching  language 
in  all  public  schools. 

(7)  There  should  be  included  in  the  school  pro- 
gram instruction  in  farming  methods,  varying 
according  to  the  local  soils,  climate,  and  other 
conditions  and  requirements. 


XII 

EDUCATION    OF   ADULT    IMMIGRANT    SETTLERS 

The  adult  immigrant  settlers  need  American 
education,  the  women  more  than  the  men.  This 
fact  was  clearly  impressed  upon  the  writer 
during  his  field  investigation.  The  women  do 
not  penetrate  the  American  world;  they  live  in 
the  Old  World,  their  children  live  in  the  New, 
and  the  men  in  a  mixed  world.  No  matter  how 
brokenly  or  how  fluently  their  husbands  speak 
English,  with  but  few  exceptions  the  wives 
either  speak  it  not  at  all  or  attempt  a  few  syl- 
lables of  the  strange  language  with  a  hesitation 
and  shyness  which  soon  cause  them  to  fall  silent 
and  retire  in  favor  of  their  children  or  husbands. 
Their  social  visits,  their  contact  with  women  and 
men  other  than  their  family,  are  confined  to 
members  of  their  own  nationality.  They  live  in 
a  cage,  in  which  they  suffer,  but  to  which  they 
cling  because  it  is  all  of  life  that  they  know. 

IMPORTANCE   OF   REACHING   WOMEN 

To  reach  them,  to  bring  them  out  into  the  world 
in  which  their  families  live,  is  a  difficult  task. 

226 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

It  must  be  undertaken  and  accomplished,  first, 
for  the  purely  humane  reason  of  lightening  their 
lot  and  making  them  individually  more  happy 
in  the  New  World;  second,  for  the  sake  of  pre- 
venting the  disruption  of  families,  the  corner 
stone  of  the  present  social  order;  third,  for  the 
sake  of  creating  and  sustaining  good  citizenship. 
Whether  immigrant  women  vote  or  not,  they  are 
an  inevitable  influence  in  the  political  life  of  the 
country.  They  must  be  helped  to  keep  pace  as 
nearly  as  possible  with  their  children,  who  are 
increasingly  under  the  influence  of  the  American 
environment,  especially  the  public  schools.  Not 
only  that,  but  education  of  the  mothers  means 
a  more  effectual  development  of  the  children,  for 
the  mother  is  the  greatest  educator  of  the  nation. 
The  first  question  is  how  to  reach  them. 

It  is  easy  to  say  that  the  native  women  should 
go  to  them,  establish  friendly  social  relations,  and 
in  this  way  influence  them.  The  writer  observed 
in  the  field  that  such  attempts  have  been  made 
in  earnest,  but  without  much  result.  The  first 
difficulty  is  the  lack  of  a  common  language. 
Next  is  the  difference  in  the  levels  of  intellectual 
development.  One  might  question  what  common 
grounds  for  social  intercourse  there  would  be 
between  an  American  farmer's  wife  with  either 
grammar-school  or  high-school  education  and 
some  European  peasant's  wife,  illiterate,  impos- 
sibly shy,  and  downtrodden. 

16  227 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Still,  there  is  a  way  out.  In  almost  every  immi- 
grant rural  colony  one  may  find  a  more  intelli- 
gent immigrant  woman,  either  a  mother  of  a 
family  who  has  been  long  in  this  country  or  an 
elder  daughter  who  has  received  a  public-school 
education,  speaks  English  satisfactorily,  and 
who,  at  the  same  time,  speaks  the  immigrants' 
language  and  knows  the  families  in  the  colony 
more  or  less  thoroughly.  Such  women  should 
be  approached  first,  should  be  brought  into  inti- 
mate contact  with  the  native  families,  and  should 
be  induced  to  take  a  course  of  training  and  be- 
come organizers  or  teachers  of  the  adult  immi- 
grant women  in  the  colony.  They  will  be  able  to 
effect  an  organization  which  might  be  called  the 
"Women's  Club"  or  "Mothers'  Club."  Instead 
of  creating  an  entirely  new  body,  such  organiza- 
tions as  exist  can  and  should  be  utilized;  there 
may  be  clubs,  some  co-operative  association  or  a 
benefit  society.  There  may  be  no  organization 
and  one  may  have  to  be  initiated.  In  that  case 
it  is  desirable  that  the  more  developed  immi- 
grant women  be  appointed  to  the  directorate  of 
the  new  organization. 

THE    HOME    TEACHER 

It  would  seem  advisable  for  our  high  schools, 
normal  schools,  and  colleges  specifically  to  train 
their  immigrant  girl  students  to  become  home 
teachers  in  the  colonies  of  their  respective  na- 

228 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

tionalities.  Such  home  teachers,  qualified  and 
trained  for  their  work,  should  receive  an  ade- 
quate, living  salary.  Their  duty  would  be  to 
visit  the  immigrant  homes,  talk  with  the  mothers, 
tell  them  how  to  rear  their  children,  how  to  care 
for  the  health  of  the  family,  how  to  prepare 
meals  of  American  food  and  in  American  ways, 
how  to  can  and  preserve,  and  how  to  work  in  the 
home  garden.  They  should  organize  recreation 
facilities,  reading  circles,  amateur  theatricals, 
choruses,  etc.  The  home  teacher  should  organize 
the  women  into  afternoon  classes  for  learning 
English  and  should  induce  them  to  visit  the 
evening  classes  with  the  men.  She  also  would 
be  the  intermediary  for  the  establishment  of 
friendly  and  social  relations  between  the  immi- 
grant families  of  different  nationalities  and  the 
native  American  families.  She  should  be  attached 
to  the  teaching  staff  of  the  local  public  school. 

Such  home  teachers  have  been  employed  in 
California  under  the  direction  of  the  Home 
Teacher  Act  passed  in  1915.  The  conditions  of 
employment,  the  duties  and  qualifications  of  the 
home  teachers  are  outlined  by  the  Act  as  follows : l 

Boards  of  school  trustees  or  city  boards  of  education  of 
any  school  district  may  employ  teachers  to  be  known  as 
"home  teachers,"  not  exceeding  one  such  home  teacher  for 
every  five  hundred  units  of  average  daily  attendance  in  the 


1  The  Home  Teacher;   the  Act,  with  a  Working  Plan,  the  Com- 
mission of  Immigration  and  Housing  of  California. 

229 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

common  schools  of  said  district,  as  shown  by  the  report  of 
the  county  superintendent  of  schools  for  the  next  preceding 
school  year.  It  shall  be  the  duty  of  the  home  teachers  to 
work  in  the  homes  of  the  pupils,  instructing  children  and 
adults  in  matters  relating  to  school  attendance  and  prepara- 
tion therefor;  also  in  sanitation,  in  the  English  language, 
in  household  duties — such  as  purchase,  preparation,  and  use 
of  food,  and  clothing — and  in  the  fundamental  principles  of 
the  American  system  of  government  and  the  rights  and 
duties  of  citizenship.  The  qualifications  of  such  teachers 
shall  be  a  regular  kindergarten  primary,  elementary,  or  sec- 
ondary certificate,  to  teach  in  the  schools  of  California,  and 
special  fitness  to  perform  the  duties  of  a  home  teacher; 
provided  that  the  salaries  of  such  teachers  shall  be  paid 
from  the  city  or  district  special  school  funds. 

The  provisions  of  the  law  at  present  limit  its 
application  to  congested  neighborhoods. 

In  regard  to  afternoon  classes  for  the  women, 
one  of  the  home  teachers,  Mrs.  Amanda  Mathews 
Chase,  writes  as  follows:1 

Organize  mothers'  classes  to  meet  afternoons  at  the 
schoolhouse.  This  group  work  seems  to  me  absolutely  nec- 
essary in  order  to  cover  the  ground  efficiently,  and  also 
because  of  the  outlook  and  inspiration  for  the  mothers.  .  .  . 
I  would  suggest  forming  classes  from  the  leading  nationali- 
ties, each  class  to  meet  two  afternoons  a  week.  One  after- 
noon the  program  can  be  an  English  lesson,  followed  by 
cooking,  cleaning,  or  laundry.  The  other  afternoon  the  pro- 
gram might  comprise  English  followed  by  sewing,  mending, 
weaving,  or  similar  handcraft  instruction.  Sanitation,  in- 
cluding personal  hygiene,  and  patriotic  teaching  should  be 
kept  in  mind.  . .  .  Every  forenoon  will  be  spent  in  the  homes. 
After  all,  the  classes  will  only  be  islands  in  the  sea  of  your 


lA  Manual  for  Home  Teachers;   the  Commission  of  Immigration 
and  Housing  of  California,  pp.  20-21. 

230 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

visiting.  You  must  visit  to  form  the  classes  and  visit  to 
hold  them.  You  must  visit  to  see  that  the  knowledge  ab- 
sorbed at  school  is  actually  put  into  practice  at  the  home. 
You  must  visit  to  talk  over  many  matters  too  delicate  and 
personal  to  be  taken  up  on  class  afternoons. 

The  school  system  of  Los  Angeles  has,  under 
this  law,  employed  an  educated  Jewish  woman 
from  Russia  for  work  in  the  colony  of  the  Rus- 
sian sectarian  peasants.  The  impression  of  the 
writer  when  he  visited  the  colony  was  that  she 
was  doing  splendid  work  in  helping  the  peasant 
women.  The  writer's  belief  is  that  if  she  had 
been  of  the  Russian  nationality  she  would  have 
accomplished  still  better  results,  as  the  writer 
observed  some  antisemitic  feeling  among  the 
peasants  in  connection  with  her.  One  peasant 
woman  told  the  writer  that  this  home  teacher 
was  a  good  protector  for  them,  but  did  not 
recognize  that  she  was  their  educator.  As  the 
colony  is  large,  the  home  teacher  really  could  not 
do  much  educational  work  other  than  to  super- 
vise the  attendance  of  the  children  at  school  and 
to  help  disentangle  family  difficulties.  It  would 
be  advisable  to  train  and  employ  home  teachers 
who  are  of  the  same  nationality  as  the  people  of 
the  colony  in  which  they  work. 

ORGANIZATION    OF   IMMIGRANT    WOMEN 

Immigrant  women's  organizations  have  been 
already  started  here  and  there  on  the  initiative, 

231 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

and  by  the  efforts  of  the  immigrant  women 
themselves.  For  instance,  Finnish  women  in 
Calumet,  Michigan,  have  organized  an  "Ameri- 
canization Club"  for  Finnish  women,  with  the 
intention  of  extending  the  movement  into  other 
Finnish  colonies  in  America.  The  program  of  the 
meetings  consists  of  learning  American  songs,  of 
addresses  on  America,  its  history,  civics,  women's 
social  work,  child  welfare.  The  club  activities 
hope  to  combat  disloyalty,  which  the  club  mem- 
bers believe  to  exist  among  a  number  of  the  im- 
migrants of  certain  nationalities.  The  main  aim 
of  the  club,  as  its  leaders  state,  is  to  assist  in  the 
Americanization  of  the  Finnish  women  in  America 
— to  eliminate  the  hyphen,  to  make  the  Finnish- 
American  women  Americans. 

The  Council  of  Jewish  Women  in  Newark,  New 
Jersey,  has  established  an  Americanization  cen- 
ter for  the  Jewish  women,  mothers  and  grown-up 
Jewish  girls;  while  this  center  is  in  the  city  it 
illustrates  the  principle  involved.  The  activities 
of  the  "center"  consist  of  an  afternoon  English 
class  for  mothers,  in  order  that  they  may  "over- 
take their  children  on  the  long  road  of  learning," 
and  of  an  English  class  in  the  evening  for  Jewish 
girls  who  work  in  the  factories.  The  chairman 
of  the  council  states  that  they  have  found  a  way 
to  make  the  learning  of  English  really  interesting 
to  the  foreign-born  woman,  that  until  now  the 
woman  who  wanted  to  keep  up  with  her  children 

232 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

in  English  had  had  to  go  to  the  evening  school, 
where  she  found  a  mixture  of  men  and  women 
of  all  races  and  all  ages.  She  soon  fell  behind 
the  younger  and  smarter  pupils,  and  lost  her 
interest.  In  these  English  classes  of  the  "cen- 
ter" the  women  are  practically  all  of  the  same 
age,  the  same  race,  and  have  the  same  interests. 
These  attempts  at  Americanization  by  the  im- 
migrant women  themselves,  under  the  stress  of 
the  tragedies  caused  by  the  estrangement  of  their 
children  through  the  American  schooling,  point 
the  way  to  the  remedy  above  outlined.  Help 
the  immigrant  mothers  to  keep  pace  with  their 
children.  This  is  even  more  important,  the  writer 
believes,  than  work  with  the  immigrant  fathers. 

THE   PUBLIC    EVENING   SCHOOL 

When  the  writer  visited  an  immigrant  rural  col- 
ony and  found  there  a  large  number  of  old-time 
immigrants  still  unnaturalized,  there  were  two 
explanations  given.  There  was,  first,  the  red 
tape  in  the  naturalization  proceedings;  and  sec- 
ond, ignorance  of  English  and  of  American  geog- 
raphy, history,  and  form  of  government.  There 
had  been  no  opportunity  to  learn  all  these  things, 
although  the  colonists  had  wanted  to.  Only  in 
a  few  cases  did  their  own  neglect  seem  to  be  a 
cause  for  their  not  being  naturalized. 

The  following  field  notes  of  the  writer,  taken 

233 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

at  random,  illustrate  the  situation  in  regard  to 
the  knowledge  of  English  and  the  naturalization 
of  the  settlers  in  the  immigrant  colonies. 

Italian  colony,  Canastota,  New  York.  Writer's 
observations : 

A  large  number  of  the  men  spoke  very  little  English. 
The  women  did  not  speak  English  at  all.  All  the  children 
spoke  English. 

Statement  by  their  leader,  a  storekeeper: 

The  settlers  have  organized  an  "American-Italian  Citi- 
zens' Club."  All  the  Italian  voters,  117  in  number,  belong 
to  this  club.  The  purpose  of  the  club  is  to  educate  Italians 
in  citizenship  and  to  assist  them  in  becoming  naturalized. 
There  are  about  250  unnaturalized  Italians  of  voting  age. 
Two  causes  have  kept  them  from  naturalization :  first,  their 
ignorance;  second,  the  red  tape  of  the  procedure.  Seventy- 
five  per  cent  of  the  adults  are  illiterate;  50  per  cent  of  them 
do  not  understand  English;  only  about  25  per  cent  of  the 
adults  write  and  read  English. 

Portuguese  colony,  Portsmouth,  Rhode  Island. 
Statement  by  the  priest : 

Seventy  per  cent  of  the  adults  understand  English;  50 
per  cent  speak  English;  10  per  cent  speak  and  write  Eng- 
lish; about  80  per  cent  are  illiterate,  not  only  in  English, 
but  in  their  own  language  as  well.  The  lack  of  education 
and  culture  of  the  adults  is  the  main  obstacle  in  the  way  of 
their  becoming  Americans.  For  promotion  of  Americaniza- 
tion, settlers  should  learn  English  and  American  ways  of 
life — attend  evening  schools. 


"•6 


Statement  of  a  native  storekeeper: 

The  only  trouble  with  these  Portuguese  is  that  they  lack 
even  elementary  education.  The  vast  majority  do  not  know 
how  to  read  and  write  even  in  their  own  language.    As  a 


234 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

result,  quite  a  number  of  families  live  in  dirt  in  their  homes, 
and  these  are  a  source  of  danger  in  the  spreading  of  disease. 
I  do  not  helieve  that  school  would  help  these  old  people, 
for  they  never  have  been  in  any  school  and  it  would  be  very 
hard  to  teach  them  anything.  The  only  hope  is  in  the 
second  and  future  generations. 

Russian  sectarian  peasant  colony,  San  Fran- 
cisco, California.  Statement  by  one  of  their 
leaders : 

Five  per  cent  have  second  papers;  from  30  to  40  per  cent 
have  first  papers. 

Russian  sectarian  peasant  colony,  Los  Angeles, 
California.  Statements  made  to  the  writer  by 
the  peasants  themselves  at  a  general  meeting  of 
the  colony  members: 

All  but  one  of  the  members  of  the  colony  are  unnatural- 
ized. About  5  per  cent  have  taken  first  papers.  In  explana- 
tion as  to  why  they  are  not  naturalized,  they  brought  several 
reasons.  First,  lack  of  English;  second,  they  have  not  felt 
so  far  that  they  are  settled  permanently;  third,  they  fear 
compulsory  military  service  in  case  they  are  citizens; 
fourth,  their  religion  is  opposed  to  violence,  which  the  gov- 
ernment often  uses  in  enforcing  laws.  During  the  discussion 
the  writer  felt  that  they  believed  that  their  not  being  citizens 
had  helped  keep  their  sons  from  being  drafted  into  military 
service.  The  writer  explained  that  their  sons  were  not 
drafted  solely  because  of  their  religion,  as  conscientious  ob- 
jectors, and  not  at  all  because  they  were  not  citizens.  For 
their  own  benefit  and  the  benefit  of  the  country  the  writer 
advised  them  to  become  citizens  as  rapidly  as  possible. 
They  did  not  either  approve  or  reject  the  proposal,  but  the 
writer  felt  that  there  was  some  suspicion. 

Statement  by  the  home  teacher  working  among 
these  peasants: 

235 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

There  ought  to  be  schools  to  teach  English  to  the  parents 
at  which  their  attendance  would  be  compulsory.  The 
children  now  think  they  are  above  their  parents.  The 
parents  would  gain  by  the  compulsory  school.  The  children 
obey  the  teachers  in  school,  but  will  not  obey  their  parents. 
The  children  go  home  and  tell  their  parents  that  they  don't 
have  to  obey  them.  They  lie  to  their  parents.  For  instance, 
the  parents  are  opposed  to  dancing,  but  the  children  dance 
just  the  same.  The  parents  are  so  ignorant!  They  read  the 
Bible,  but  they  don't  know  what  is  in  the  Bible. 

Russian  sectarian  peasant  colony,  Glendale, 
Arizona.  Statements  made  by  the  peasants  at 
a  general  meeting: 

Not  a  single  one  of  them  is  naturalized.  Not  one  has 
taken  first  papers.  To  the  question  why,  they  explained 
that  they  are  firm  believers  in  the  Kingdom  of  God,  which 
is  immeasurably  higher  than  the  human  kingdom  and  human 
governments.  They  are  interested  in  the  spiritual  kingdom 
and  do  not  care  for  politics  in  any  way. 

Polish  colony,  Posen,  Michigan.  Statements 
by  the  local  priest  and  the  settlers  themselves : 

About  thirty  men  of  voting  age  are  not  citizens.  This  is 
due  purely  to  neglect  and  the  red  tape  in  acquiring  papers. 
Both  Republican  and  Democratic  organizations  exist,  but 
most  vote  the  Republican  ticket,  believing  that  the  Republi- 
cans keep  the  country's  business  going  better. 

Polish  colony,  South  Deerfield,  Massachusetts. 
Statements  by  their  leaders: 

Almost  every  adult  Pole  understands  English  to  a  certain 
degree  and  is  able  to  make  himself  understood.  About  half 
of  the  adults  can  write  English,  including  those  who  can 
only  write  their  own  names.  About  50  per  cent  of  the  Poles 
are  illiterate  even  in  the  Polish  language. 

236 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

Large,  long-established  Italian  colony,  Vine- 
land,  New  Jersey.    Statements  by  their  leaders: 

A  large  number,  possibly  two  thirds,  of  the  adults  do  not 
speak  English.  All  Italian  farmers  have  first  papers  and 
intend  to  become  Americans,  and  about  two  thirds  have 
second  papers. 

So  it  goes  through  all  the  rural  colonies  of 
immigrant  settlers.  Everywhere  the  crying  need 
is  for  education  and  training  in  English,  in  citi- 
zenship, in  agriculture,  in  everything.  For  the 
remedy,  everyone  turns  to  the  evening  school  for 
adults. 

A  large  majority  of  the  rural  immigrant  col- 
onies in  the  country,  including  small  country 
towns,  are  without  evening  schools,  without 
libraries,  without  any  educational  facilities  by 
which  the  adult  immigrant  settler  might  learn 
the  country's  language,  ways  of  life,  the  meaning 
of  citizenship,  or  better  farming  methods. 

The  public  evening  schools  up  to  this  time  have 
been  a  city  institution.1  Only  during  recent  years 
have  they  made  their  appearance  in  the  centers 
of  a  few  rural  immigrant  colonies.  These  have 
been  temporary  establishments  undertaken  either 
privately  by  native  Americans  in  co-operation 
with  the  local  immigrants,  or  publicly  on  the 
initiative  of  the  local  government  authorities. 
The  money  required  has  been  raised  by  collec- 
tions or  the  local  government  has  made  tempo- 

1  See  Frank  V.  Thompson,  Schooling  of  the  Immigrant,  chap.  iii. 

237 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

rary  appropriations.  Usually  the  idea  of  a  school 
for  adult  immigrants  was  taken  up  by  some 
public-spirited  and  patriotic  local  leader,  a  meet- 
ing was  held,  money  secured,  a  teacher  employed, 
and  the  immigrants  invited  to  attend  the  schools. 
Almost  in  every  case  the  enterprise  seemed  to 
be  successful  at  its  beginning.  The  school  was 
well  attended  and  the  teaching  and  studying 
enthusiastically  started.  But  after  a  week  or  two 
the  students  began  to  drop  out.  Then,  owing 
either  to  the  decrease  of  students  or  to  the  lack 
of  money,  the  school  was  closed. 

In  a  large  Portuguese  colony  at  Portsmouth, 
Rhode  Island,  a  township  evening  school  was 
established  in  1917-18.  It  was  well  attended, 
but  after  two  months  the  school  was  closed  on 
account  of  lack  of  funds,  though  it  was  very 
much  needed. 

In  regard  to  an  experience  in  establishing  a 

Methodist  evening  school  in  the  Italian  colony 

at    Canastota,   New   York,    the   county   school 

superintendent  made  the  following  statement: 

The  greatest  problem  in  the  education  of  Italians  here  is 
how  to  educate  the  parents.  In  1915  they  organized  at  the 
Methodist  church  an  evening  school  for  the  Italians.  About 
forty  students  appeared,  and  attended  the  school  for  about 
three  or  four  weeks.  They  then  gradually  ceased  to  attend 
the  school.  The  causes  were  several:  there  appeared  a 
doubt  with  them  whether  the  teachers  and  supporters  of 
the  school  were  not  trying  to  induce  them  to  join  the 
Methodist  church;  second,  there  were  no  regular  teachers, 
the  lessons  were  given  by  volunteers,  and  this  resulted  in 

238 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

irregularity  in  teaching;  third,  a  certain  amount  of  shyness 
was  apparent.  If  such  an  evening  school  were  to  be  organ- 
ized for  them  with  no  religious  connections,  and  if  it  were  a 
regular  school,  the  Italians  would  attend  it. 

In  Holland,  Michigan,  where  there  is  a  large, 
long-established  Dutch  colony,  there  was  an 
evening  school,  but  the  attendance  declined, 
the  people  claiming  that  they  had  no  time  to 
attend  it. 

At  South  Deerfield,  Massachusetts,  in  a  Polish 
colony,  there  was  established  an  evening  school 
a  year  or  so  ago. 

It  was  a  good  thing  for  us  [explained  an  elderly,  bearded 
leader  of  the  colony].  Quite  a  number  of  our  people  attended 
it,  but  the  great  majority  did  not.  They  simply  did  not 
want  to,  for  they  had  lots  of  work  to  do  at  home.  Perhaps 
their  bashfulness  was  the  main  obstacle.  You  see,  people 
with  beards  and  lots  of  children  do  not  feel  well  in  school. 
Look  at  me.     Wouldn't  I  feel  awful  there? 

In  Woodbine,  New  Jersey,  a  large  Jewish 
colony,  the  local  manager  of  the  Baron  de  Hirsch 
fund,  in  charge  of  the  financial  affairs  of  the 
colony,  stated  that  there  are  evening  classes  held 
in  the  public  schools  during  the  winter.  Adults 
may  attend  these  classes,  but  they  do  not.  Gen- 
eral subjects  are  taught  in  these  classes. 

A  prominent  Italian  in  the  Italian  colony  at 
Vineland,  New  Jersey,  said  that  evening  schools 
were  needed  there.  A  year  ago  they  had  one 
with  two  teachers,  but  the  funds  gave  out.  The 
people   attended.      These   night   schools   would 

239 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

teach  voting,  civics,  etc.,  to  the  adults.  The 
superintendent  of  schools  in  the  town  said  there 
were  no  classes  in  English  for  the  adult  immi- 
grants, but  suggested  that  for  Americanization 
purposes  classes  should  be  organized  and  that 
the  Italian  leaders  should  be  approached  and  per- 
suaded to  bring  in  Italian  people  to  the  classes. 

In  the  Bohemian  and  Slovak  colonies  at 
Willington,  Connecticut,  there  were  no  evening 
classes  or  schools,  though  several  of  the  settlers 
thought  it  would  be  a  good  thing  to  have  such  a 
school  and  believed  that  the  people  would  go  if 
they  had  a  chance. 

In  interviews,  the  rural  evening-school  students 
usually  explained  that  they  felt  "funny"  and 
were  shy  and  awkward  in  the  school.  They 
went  to  the  same  school  which  their  children 
attended,  sat  on  the  same  benches,  had  the  same 
teacher,  and  read  the  same  books  which  their 
children  did.  Finally,  they  stopped,  deciding 
that  their  children  could  do  the  learning  of  Eng- 
lish for  both  themselves  and  their  parents. 
They  also  explained  that  their  time  was  too 
limited  to  allow  of  school  attendance.  After  the 
daily  farm  work  they  have  to  do  chores. 

Around  a  farm,  especially  a  new,  developing 
farm,  there  are  countless  things  to  be  cared  for. 
There  is  no  moment  when  a  settler  can  say: 
"Now  everything  is  done  and  I  am  free."  Be- 
sides, even  if  he  does  take  time  and  goes  to  the 

240 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

evening  school,  he  feels  tired  there  and  is  restless 
about  the  work  left  undone  at  home.  Another 
explanation  given  by  the  immigrants  in  regard 
to  their  failure  to  attend  the  school  was  that  the 
school  did  not  teach  anything  useful  to  them  in 
their  farming,  and  that  the  progress  in  learning 
English  was  slow,  almost  imperceptible.  It 
seemed  to  them  that  never  would  they  be  able 
to  master  the  language,  and  they  grew  disap- 
pointed and  discouraged. 

The  impression  made  upon  the  writer  was  that 
the  complaint  about  lack  of  time  and  weariness 
was  not  well  founded.  There  are  certain  seasons, 
especially  in  winter,  when  the  settlers  have  time 
to  go  to  the  evening  school.  Even  in  the  heavy 
working  season  they  might  attend  school,  for 
their  fatigue  from  farm  work  is  rather  physical 
than  nervous  or  mental. 

EDUCATION  MADE  INTERESTING 

The  root  of  the  trouble  is  in  inadequate  programs, 
in  defective  teaching  methods  and  unsuitable 
teachers.  The  knowledge  of  English,  American 
ways  and  standards  of  living  might  well  be  de- 
veloped in  the  immigrant  settlers  during  the 
process  of  teaching  them  something  useful, 
necessary,  and  interesting.  A  simple  course  on 
farming  methods,  local  conditions,  and  useful 
information  could  be  given,  with  the  probable 

241 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

result  of  awakening  their  enthusiasm  and  taste 
for  more. 

Such  a  program  makes  it  essential  that  the 
evening-school  teacher  know  farming  and  rural 
conditions  in  general  and  be  familiar  with  the 
home  life  of  the  students  and  their  racial  pecu- 
liarities, to  which  he  has  to  adjust  his  methods. 
Possibly  the  best  teacher  would  be  a  settler's 
son  or  daughter  who,  after  high  school,  has  had 
training  in  agriculture  and  teaching  methods. 
The  students  should  be  graded  according  to  their 
race,  level  of  mental  development,  and  learning 
ability,  whenever  this  is  possible. 

The  ordinary  method  now  in  use  consists  in 
imitating  and  repeating  the  words  and  sentences, 
often  disconnected  one  from  another,  and  the 
stories  told  by  the  teacher.  The  formal  copying 
of  the  words  and  sentences  written  on  the  black- 
board by  the  teacher,  and  reading  children's 
books  are  sufficient  to  discourage  the  most  am- 
bitious student.  Conversation  is  more  successful 
than  the  story-telling  method,  and  exercises  in 
the  reading  of  popular  textbooks  on  farming  and 
of  popular  essays  on  American  history,  geog- 
raphy, etc.,  are  far  more  interesting  to  the  adult 
settlers  than  children's  stories. 

The  evening  school  in  the  rural  immigrant 
colonies  should  be  provided  and  attendance  for 
the  adult  non  -  English  -  speaking  immigrants 
urged,  until  they  have  mastered  simple  English, 

242 


THE    ARRIVAL    OF   AX   IMMIGRANT    SETTLER    EN    1883    WAS    SHOWX 
LN   A   COMMUNITY    PAGEANT 


THE  SAME  MAX  IS  WORKING  FOR  LAXD  AXD  COMMUNITY  DEVELOPMENT 


EDUCATION  OF  ADULT  SETTLERS 

the  elements  of  citizenship,  and  a  rudimentary 
knowledge  of  farming. 

In  almost  every  colony  visited  the  writer 
discussed  with  the  settlers  the  advisability  of 
compulsory  attendance  at  evening  or  afternoon 
classes.  No  one  was  against  compulsion,  though 
a  number  suggested  qualifications.  For  instance, 
the  evening  school  should  operate  in  the  winter- 
time; the  teaching  should  include  subjects  useful 
in  farming;  in  the  case  of  hired  men,  the  school 
time  must  be  paid  for  by  the  employer;  the 
evening  school  should  be  a  public  institution, 
not  a  private,  charitable,  or  religious  enterprise; 
if  private  organizations  wish  to  establish  evening 
schools,  they  should  do  so  only  under  public 
regulation  and  control;  the  purpose  of  the 
evening  school  should  be  to  teach  English,  civics, 
and  other  useful  subjects,  not  to  serve  any  special 
or  private  interests,  party,  or  class;  the  evening 
school  should  be  free  of  charge  to  immigrants. 

A  few  settlers  wanted  the  evening  school  to 
teach  the  operation  and  repair  of  automobiles 
and  tractors;  some  wanted  singing,  music,  and 
theatricals  taught;  some  wanted  to  be  instructed 
in  the  growing  and  harvesting  of  special  crops, 
as,  for  instance,  onions,  tobacco,  and  cotton. 
In  general,  the  immigrants  expect  from  the 
evening  school  more  than  English  and  citizen- 
ship. They  want  practical  knowledge  which 
helps  them  in  their  farming. 

17  243 


XIII 

LIBRARY   AND    COMMUNITY    WORK 

So  far  as  Americanization  is  a  question  of  educa- 
tion and  so  far  as  the  printed  word  is  an  instru- 
ment of  education,  the  reading  of  American 
literature  by  the  immigrant  is  of  inestimable 
value.  It  might  be  safely  stated  that  almost 
every  time  an  immigrant  reads  something  in 
English,  be  it  only  a  trade  label  on  a  tomato  can 
or  an  advertisement  in  a  street  car,  he  learns 
something  about  the  country,  at  least  a  word  or 
two  of  the  country's  language. 

PLACE   OF   THE   PRINTED   WORD 

As  a  rule  a  newly  arrived  immigrant  is  eager  to 
learn  English.  It  gives  him  a  new  sensation  and 
a  feeling  of  pride  to  know  and  speak  another 
tongue.  When  he  has  succeeded  in  mastering  a 
few  of  the  most  common  words  and  expressions, 
like  "no,"  "yes,"  "how  do  you  do,"  "good-by," 
"street,"  "lunch,"  and  others,  he  likes  to  use 
these  words  in  his  conversation  with  fellow  immi- 
grants.   When  he  says  to  his  friend  in  his  native 

244 


LIBRARY  AND  COMMUNITY  WORK    » 

tongue,  "Let  us  go  to  lunch,"  the  last  word  is 
in  English.  His  eagerness  to  learn  English  is  in- 
creased by  the  practical  needs  of  everyday  life — 
to  get  a  job,  to  understand  the  foreman's  direc- 
tions, to  buy  or  sell  something,  to  travel,  to  apply 
for  licenses,  or  to  make  agreements.  Everywhere 
the  immigrant  confronts  English. 

In  addition  to  the  signs  on  streets  and  shops, 
a  newly  arrived  immigrant  soon  becomes  ac- 
quainted with  the  great  American  daily,  espe- 
cially its  "help- wanted  ads."  Here  he  looks  for 
a  job,  reading  the  "ads."  with  the  aid  either  of  a 
dictionary  or  of  some  one  of  his  fellow  immigrants 
who  has  already  mastered  the  "ad."  language  with 
its  queer  abbreviations.  When  he  has  estab- 
lished himself  in  a  job,  perhaps  he  begins  to  think 
of  taking  up  a  systematic  study  of  English.  He 
enters  an  evening  school  if  there  is  one  in  his 
town.  There  he  makes  his  first  acquaintance 
with  the  American  book— too  often  a  children's 
reader  containing  stories  such  as  "Puss  and  Her 
Kittens,"  "Patty  and  the  Squirrel,"  "The  Dor- 
mouse," "Lullaby,"  "Andy  and  the  Worm," 
which,  though  perhaps  very  interesting  to  chil- 
dren, do  not  correspond  to  the  requirements  of  his 
mental  development.  Nevertheless,  the  stories 
are  related  in  good  English  and  he  goes  ahead. 

As  time  passes  and  his  mastery  of  English 
grows,  he  begins  to  read  items  in  the  daily  papers 
and  stories  in  the  Sunday  editions.     Later  he 

245 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

takes  up  the  reading  of  books,  perhaps  first  those 
related  to  his  trade,  or  the  subjects  which  are 
connected  with  his  future  plans  in  America. 
Still  later  he  begins  to  read  books  about  America 
in  general,  its  history,  geography,  nature,  social 
life,  etc.  An  immigrant  seldom  takes  to  Ameri- 
can fiction.  He  ardently  tries  to  be  practical, 
being  mainly  interested  in  that  which  is  useful 
and  helpful.  When  he  reads  general  literature 
about  America  he  does  this  for  the  purpose  of 
learning  to  know  his  new  country,  knowledge 
which  would  help  him  to  make  a  success  here. 
The  writer  has  often  been  approached  by  immi- 
grants with  requests  that  he  recommend  litera- 
ture on,  for  instance,  making  a  certain  kind  of 
candy,  or  pickles,  or  on  hog  raising  or  concrete 
building.  Frequently  he  has  had  to  translate  or 
assist  in  the  interpretation  of  various  formulas 
and  receipts. 

RURAL  NEEDS  FOR  BOOKS 

A  demand  of  this  kind  for  literature  by  the  immi- 
grants indicates  three  problems  in  connection 
with  their  education  through  the  printed  word: 
first,  the  immigrant  should  be  advised  in  his 
selection  of  publications,  told  which  might  be  the 
most  useful  to  him.  He  is  quite  unable  to  make 
this  selection  for  himself;  second,  the  means  for 
acquiring    the    desired    publications    should    be 

246 


LIBRARY  AND   COMMUNITY  WORK 

supplied.  As  a  rule  the  immigrant  has  little 
money  to  spare  for  books;  third,  there  should 
be  encouragement  and  cultivation  of  the  reading 
habit  among  the  immigrants  as  an  efficient  means 
of  their  general  education  and,  through  this,  of 
their  Americanization. 

All  these  problems  can  be  met  through  the 
institution  of  the  public  library — a  great  agency 
for  socializing  knowledge  in  a  modern  democracy. 
Though  America  is  one  of  the  countries  most 
advanced  in  the  development  of  public  libraries, 
still  the  development  has  not  kept  pace  with  the 
requirements.  This  is  especially  true  in  regard 
to  the  rural  communities.  Particularly  in  rural 
immigrant  communities,  the  public  library  is  still 
lacking.  Out  of  about  forty  rural  immigrant  col- 
onies visited  by  the  writer  during  the  past  year, 
about  thirty  had  no  library  facilities  at  their  dis- 
posal, while  the  remaining  ten  were  able  to  pride 
themselves  on  some  sort  of  a  library,  either  school 
or  parish. 

Both  these  kinds  of  libraries  appear  to  be  very 
unsatisfactory.  As  a  rule  the  school  libraries  are 
small  and  contain  mainly  children's  books,  so 
that  the  adults  have  not  much  interest  in  using 
them.  The  parish  libraries  contain  mainly  eccle- 
siastical literature  and  books  on  the  old  country's 
history  and  general  affairs.  The  majority  of 
these  last-named  books  are  in  a  foreign  tongue. 

An  old  Polish  settler  stated  that  the  children 

247 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

sometimes  bring  books  home  from  the  school, 
but  that  there  is  nothing  in  them  for  the  older 
people,  while  the  church  library  is  not  much, 
either,  for  who  cares  to  read  of  one  Sigismund  or 
of  one  Friedrich  der  Grosse?  The  settler  con- 
cluded by  saying  that  he  and  his  fellow  immi- 
grants would  like  to  read  American  books  about 
America.  His  colony  needed  an  American  public 
library. 

The  dean  of  the  extension  division  of  the  Uni- 
versity of  Wisconsin  reports  that  there  are  72 
per  cent  of  rural  communities  which  are  without 
public  libraries.  This  is  in  a  state  where  the 
library  facilities  are  comparatively  highly  de- 
veloped. It  has  been  the  writer's  impression, 
while  visiting  the  Wisconsin  backwoods  immi- 
grant communities,  that  though  the  various 
traveling  and  package  libraries  and  library 
"stations"  are  successfully  operating  in  other 
parts  of  the  state,  they  have  not  yet  reached 
these  wilderness  communities  to  any  extent.  As 
a  rule  the  rural  immigrants  do  not  even  know  of 
the  existence  of  such  libraries. 

PACKAGE    LIBRARIES   IN    WISCONSIN 

Yet  the  demand  for  literature  among  the  rural 
population  is  great  and  growing  rapidly.  Take, 
for  instance,  the  package  library  of  the  extension 
division  of  the  above-mentioned  university.     It 

248 


LIBRARY  AND   COMMUNITY  WORK 

has  more  than  10,000  packages.  Each  package 
contains  collected  literature — books,  newspaper, 
and  magazine  clippings,  statistical  tables,  etc. — 
dealing  with  a  certain  subject.  It  is  sent,  under 
certain  conditions,  to  anyone  who  requests  it. 
The  demand  for  such  packages  has  more  than 
doubled  each  year.  During  1908  and  1909  there 
were  sent  out  524  packages  on  116  subjects  to 
136  localities,  and  during  1915  and  1916  there 
were  sent  out  5,948  packages  on  2,404  subjects 
to  483  localities.  The  reason  why  such  wonder- 
ful carriers  of  knowledge  do  not  reach  the  rural 
immigrants  is  obvious;  the  immigrants  do  not 
know  of  their  existence.  Even  if  they  do  know, 
they  do  not  understand  how  to  order  them.  In 
many  other  states  conditions  are  much  worse. 

What  must  be  done  to  make  the  library  com- 
mon to  every  rural  settlement?  What  kind  of 
a  library  is  best  suited  to  the  needs,  and  how 
shall  it  be  extended  to  the  backwoods  rural 
communities? 

The  recommendation  of  the  writer  is  that  the 
school  libraries  be  developed  and  put  on  a  higher 
level,  with  special  adult  and  children's  sections. 
A  library  board  should  be  created  in  each 
county  as  a  unit  operating  under  a  state  law  for 
the  purpose  of  directing  and  developing  a  county 
library  system.  A  library  tax  should  be  levied 
upon  each  county.  Schools,  community  halls, 
and  stores  should  be  made  library  stations,  so 

249 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

that  the  settlers  could  have  easy  access  to  the 
books. 

SELECTION    OF   BOOKS 

Then  there  is  the  question  of  the  selection  of 
publications  for  the  libraries  intended  for  immi- 
grant communities.  In  this,  the  conditions  and 
requirements  of  the  immigrant  settlers  have  to 
be  taken  into  consideration,  for  it  would  be 
useless  and  wasteful  to  select  books  in  which  the 
settlers  are  not  interested  and  which  they  do  not 
want  to  read. 

First  place  must  be  taken  by  publications  con- 
cerning farming.  Particularly  should  there  be 
included  in  such  libraries  the  publications  of 
Federal  and  state  Departments  of  Agriculture. 
Then  comes  the  literature  for  the  learning  of  the 
English  language:  dictionaries,  grammars,  text- 
books on  composition,  etc.  Recreation  literature 
— books  on  sports  in  the  open,  plays,  music, 
etc.— would  be  also  in  demand.  Then  come  the 
publications  related  to  American  history,  geog- 
raphy, nature,  economics,  government,  and  social 
life,  and  other  serious  publications  containing  in- 
formation about  the  country's  past  and  present. 

Finally  comes  fiction.  A  few  immigrants  who 
have  acquired  the  habit  of  reading  fiction  prefer 
to  read  stories  and  poems  of  a  more  realistic 
character,  like  those  of  Jack  London,  Upton 
Sinclair,    Ernest    Poole,    Mark    Twain,    Arnold 

250 


LIBRARY  AND  COMMUNITY  WORK 

Bennett,  Longfellow.  The  traveling  libraries 
need  not  be  voluminous  so  much  as  of  good 
quality.  Aside  from  being  practically  useful, 
they  should  try  to  help  the  rural  immigrant 
settlers  to  improve  their  standards  of  living  and 
to  broaden  their  intellectual  horizon. 

But  who  is  going  to  stimulate  and  lead  such 
an  extension  of  the  libraries  into  the  backwoods 
communities?  The  national  and  state-wide  li- 
brary associations  would  be  the  ones  to  under- 
take this  work.  As  they  succeeded  in  the  exten- 
sion of  the  American  library  to  the  battlefields  of 
Europe,  so  they  without  doubt  will  succeed  in  the 
extension  of  the  library  to  the  firing  line  in  our 
own  country — to  the  line  where  future  America 
is  in  the  making. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  rural  communities 
will  respond  to  national  assistance  and  greatly 
benefit  by  it.  Even  if  only  a  small  beginning 
could  be  made  very  soon,  increased  demand  and 
local  initiative  would  undoubtedly  justify  the 
project. 

The  day  is  not  distant  when  the  need  of  com- 
munity books  in  every  American  community 
will  be  recognized  as  an  indispensable  supple- 
ment to  all  schooling  work.  In  the  new  colonies 
that  are  being  planned  by  colonization  companies 
the  library  as  a  part  of  the  general  community 
scheme  must  not  be  overlooked.  As  the  advan- 
tages of  having  book  supplies  available  become 

251 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

manifest,   it  may  be  possible  to  provide  local 
housing  facilities  as  well  as  trained  assistants. 

There  may  be  a  room  or  even  a  separate  build- 
ing that  can  be  given  over  to  this  purpose.  If 
there  is  a  general  community  building,  no  better 
use  could  be  devised  for  a  portion  of  it  than  a 
small,  practical,  accessible  library.  If  not  the 
primary  object  of  such  a  community  building  it 
would  certainly  be  an  important  one. 

A   COMMUNITY   HALL 

A  public  recreation  hall  in  a  rural  community 
may  be  made  one  of  the  most  effective  Ameri- 
canizing agencies.  Public  meetings,  lectures, 
amateur  theatrical  performances,  dancing,  pub- 
lic celebrations,  games,  sports,  etc.,  may  be 
held  there.  It  is  the  neutral  place  where  all 
community  members,  natives  and  immigrants 
of  various  races,  religions,  and  tongues,  meet  one 
another  and  learn  to  know  one  another,  where 
the  much  -  needed  social  visiting  among  the 
natives  and  immigrants  may  have  its  inception. 
One  of  the  characteristics  of  the  European 
immigrants  is  their  inclination  toward  singing, 
music,  and  amateur  theatricals.  In  the  old 
country  there  is  rarely  a  village  which  does  not 
pride  itself  on  some  sort  of  an  amusement  or- 
ganization, be  it  a  choir,  a  band,  or  a  drama 
group.      These   are   to  European  people   what 

252 


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LIBRARY  AND  COMMUNITY  WORK 

sport,  baseball,  football,  and  the  like  are  to  the 
mass  of  Americans.  When  the  European  immi- 
grants come  over  they  are  strange  and  unsettled, 
they  have  little  opportunity  for  amusement, 
they  even  neglect  church  attendance.  But  when 
they  are  settled  and  have  begun  to  make  ends 
meet,  they  usually  take  up  their  former  amuse- 
ment activities,  perhaps  singing  first,  then  soon 
a  band,  and  then  the  stage. 

Under  present  conditions  the  natives  seldom 
mix  with  the  immigrants  in  their  amateur  amuse- 
ment enterprises.  The  immigrants  conduct  these 
in  their  own  tongue  and  select  mostly  their  own 
songs,  airs,  and  plays.  It  is  equally  true  that  the 
grown-up  immigrants  seldom  acquire  interest  in 
the  American  sports  like  baseball  and  football. 
Their  children,  through  the  influence  of  the  school 
and  their  intercourse  with  the  American  children, 
quickly  become  interested  in  the  American 
sports,  so  much  so  that  the  parents  fail  to  under- 
stand and  appreciate  their  enthusiasm.  "It's  all 
right  to  a  certain  degree,  but  my  boys  seem  to 
be  already  crazy  for  baseball,  neglecting  every- 
thing else.  I  am  afraid  for  their  future!"  com- 
plained an  elderly  Italian  settler  to  the  writer. 

Country  life  is  poor  in  amusements  and  social 
intercourse  as  compared  with  city  life.  Still, 
through  organized  efforts,  the  rural  social  life 
can  be  made  much  richer  and  even  very  at- 
tractive.    It  was  common  testimony  given  to 

253 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

the  writer  by  the  local  community  leaders  that 
they  have  succeeded  in  keeping  their  boys  and 
girls  at  home,  on  the  farms,  by  building  a  com- 
munity hall,  organizing  singing,  games,  and 
theatricals. 

The  community  dances  exert  a  great  attraction 
in  bringing  the  native  and  the  immigrant  boys 
and  girls  together  for  common  pleasure.  It  is 
quite  a  sight  to  watch  these  dances:  the  village 
band  is  playing,  the  boys  and  girls  are  dancing, 
while  the  elderly  people  are  sitting  around  the 
walls  of  the  hall  and  watching  the  fun  of  youth, 
forgetting  their  daily  sorrows  and  worries  and 
remembering  perhaps  their  own  youthful  days 
somewhere  beyond  the  ocean.  All,  dressed  in 
their  Sunday  finery,  are  in  a  festive  mood. 

AMATEUR   THEATRICALS 

Perhaps  the  most  beneficial  enterprise  in  the 
community  work  is  the  amateur  theater.  It 
gives  the  richest  opportunity  for  self-expression. 
It  includes  acting,  literature,  singing,  music,  and 
painting.  It  amuses  and  teaches — it  reflects  and 
analyzes  the  social  life  and  directs  it  in  its 
entirety  toward  higher  levels  of  achievements. 
Whatever  the  shortcomings  and  the  sins  of  the 
Russian  Bolsheviks,  in  one  thing  they  have 
struck,  the  writer  is  sure,  the  right  road.  This 
is  in  placing  the  stage  at  the  forefront  in  popular 

254 


LIBRARY  AND  COMMUNITY  WORK 

education,  if  only  in  an  experimental  and  the- 
oretical way  as  yet.  A  properly  directed  amateur 
theater  is  second  only  to  the  school.  In  a  rural 
community  it  brings  together  varied  elements, 
brings  out  the  best  in  each,  and  unites  them  by 
developing  common  aims  and  ideals. 

The  amateur  country  theater  has  made  much 
headway  in  the  state  of  North  Dakota.  The 
State  Agricultural  College  at  Fargo  took  the  lead 
in  the  movement.  The  president  of  the  college 
attributes  the  success  of  the  country  theater 
there  not  only  to  the  influence  of  the  college 
leadership,  but  also  to  the  deep  need  for  enter- 
tainment and  the  hunger  for  social  life  among  the 
prairie  people  who  are  living  on  farms  at  long 
distances  from  one  another.  The  fact  that  the 
population  is  largely  foreign-born  stock  and  has 
inherited  an  inclination  toward  stage  plays  is 
another  reason. 

Professor  Arvold  of  the  same  college,  who  is 
in  charge  of  the  development  of  the  country 
theater,  stated  to  the  writer  that  their  little 
country  theater  has  a  strong  Americanizing  in- 
fluence upon  the  population.  It  brings  together 
both  native  born  and  immigrants  of  various 
nationalities.  They  learn  to  know  one  another. 
They  learn  about  America,  its  history,  present 
conditions,  and  future  aspirations  more  than  in 
any  other  way.  The  theater  teaches  them  the 
country's  tongue,  for  the  plays  are  given  in  Eng- 

255 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

lish.  He  believed  that  every  large  rural  com- 
munity and  groups  of  smaller  communities  in  the 
same  neighborhood  should  have  an  amateur 
theater. 

The  theater,  public  lectures,  exhibitions,  and 
the  American  outdoor  sports  should  be  centered 
in  and  around  the  community  hall.  Such  highly 
varied  activities  in  community  life  require  a 
trained  director.  He  should  be  a  person  with  a 
good  general  education,  with  experience  in  rural 
life  and  affairs  and  in  organizing  group  activities. 
He  must  be  a  good  mixer  and  a  lover  of  the  work. 
For  his  work  he  should  receive  an  attractive 
salary.  Colonization  companies  have  initiated 
such  work,  which  should  be  taken  over  and 
maintained  by  the  community  itself. 

COMMUNITY   TEAMWORK 

To  put  the  community  work  in  the  rural  districts 
on  an  organized  and  permanent  basis  the  writer 
recommends  that  a  community  board  be  created 
in  each  county  as  a  unit  operating  under  a  state 
law  for  the  purpose  of  directing  and  developing 
rural  community  work,  similar  to  that  which  the 
writer  recommends  for  the  development  of  rural 
libraries.  A  community  tax  should  be  levied 
upon  each  county,  the  money  received  to  be  used 
for  community  work  among  the  population  in 
the  county. 

256 


LIBRARY  AND  COMMUNITY  WORK 

In  community  union  there  is  strength.  Work- 
ing and  planning  together  for  any  undertaking, 
however  limited  and  comparatively  humble  its 
dimensions,  inevitably  ties  its  promoters  in  bonds 
of  greater  understanding  and  sympathy.  Native 
and  foreign  born  united  for  enriching  and  en- 
hancing their  common  life  act  as  a  powerful  force 
for  Americanization.  Better  than  any  artificially 
devised  scheme  is  the  spontaneous  pulling  to- 
gether for  a  common  need  of  all  elements  of  the 
community.  This  constitutes  real  amalgamation 
in  a  democracy. 


INDEX 


Americanization : 
Factors,  145,  164 
Instruments 

Finnish   women's    club,   California 


Brommer,    C.    F.,    160-161, 

185 
Brooks,  John  Graham,  viii 


232 
Parochial   schools,    169, 
171 
Anderson,  Vic,  184 
Arizona : 
Colony 

Glendale,     30-31,     217, 
236 
Illiteracy,  146-147 
Inability  to  speak  English, 

147 
Schools 

Attendance,  212-213 
Aron,  J.,  160 
Arvold,  Professor,  255 

B 

Banks : 

Settler's,  57-58 
Baron  de  Hirsch  Fund,  176, 

180,  239 
Bohemians : 
Colony 

Willington,  Connecticut, 
15-16,  240 


Colonies 

Durham,  87-91 

Los  Angeles,  24-31,  231, 

235 
San  Francisco,  152,  235 
Home  teacher,  229-231 
Illiteracy,  146-147 
Inability  to  speak  English, 

148 
Land    settlement,    31-33, 
86-91 
Dealers,  117-119 
Legislation 

Co-operatives,  141 
Home  teacher,  229 
Land  settlement,  87 
Real-estate  brokers,  117 
Soldiers,  94 
Schools 

Private,  175 
Public,  195,  215-217 
California  Commission  on  Im- 
migration and  Hous- 
ing, 23,  229,  230 
California     Commission     on 


259 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 


Land  Colonization: 
Colonies,  31-33,  86 
Cary,  C.  P.,  173,  204,  209 
Chase,    Amanda    Mathews, 

230-231 
Chicago,  158 

Colonization  company,  44- 
45 
Child  Labor : 

On  farms,  05-66 
Churches : 

Foreign  language,  182-194 
Immigrant    pastors,    192- 

193 
"Interfaith"    marriages, 
189-192 
Clarke,  W.  T.,  28 
Colonization  Board: 
Federal  legislation,  68 
Functions,  127-128 
Colonization  Companies  (see 
Settlers) : 
A  typical  one,  52-65 
Credit  required,  66-68 
McAlester,  Oklahoma,  33- 

35 
Methods,  49-52 
Policy,  44-45 
Promotion,  14-19 
Regulation,  112-121 
Colony : 

Composition,  90,  132-133 
List,  xxvii-xxix 
Size,  69-70,  131 
Commissioner  General  of  Im- 
migration, 7 
Community  {see  Colony): 
Rural 
Hall,  252 


Theater,  254-256 
Work,    49,    63-65,   252, 
256-257 
Connecticut : 
Colony 

Willington,  15-16,  240 
Conservation : 

By  colonization  companies, 
68-69 
Cook,  K.  M.,  219 
Co-operation : 

For  land  settlement,  136 
Co-operatives : 
California,  141 
Michigan 

Finnish  colony,  136-137 
Nebraska,  141 
Wisconsin,  138-141 
Credit: 

Land  companies,  67,  135 
Settlers 

Need,  66-68,  110,  135 
Soldier 

Foreign     countries, 

105-106 
United  States,  91-93 

D 

Department  of  Agriculture: 
Land  exchange,  122-124 
Land  settlement 
California,  19,  23 
Wisconsin,  19-23 
Department  of  Interior,  92- 
93 
Reclamation  service,  95-98, 
104 
Detroit,  Michigan,  167 


260 


INDEX 


District  of  Columbia:  Ford,  Henry,  52 

Real-estate  brokers,  121  Fosdick,  Raymond,  viii 

Dutch:  France: 

Colony  Soldier  settlement,  105 

Holland,  Michigan,  171,  Fresno,  California: 


180,  188,  198,  239 
Schools,  private,  171 

E 


Land  company,  26 


Education  {see  Schools) : 

Effect  of  parochial  schools,   r>IrmaiT. 

153-155 
Immigrant    women,    226- 

228 
Rural  agencies,  149 
Elmira,  California : 

Farms,  29 
Ely,  Richard  T.,  xxvi 


G 

Gavit,  John  P.,  148 
Gay,  Edwin  F.,  viii 


Fargo,  North  Dakota : 


Colony 

Au  Gres,  Michigan,  172 

Schools,  private 
Michigan,  167, 172 
Minnesota,  165 
Nebraska,  159-160 
North  Dakota,  161-164 
South  Dakota,  174-175 
Wisconsin,  174 


H 

Hensick,  H.  F.,  184 
Honolulu : 

Russian  peasants,  29 
Hrbkova,  Sarka,  159 


Glenn,  John  M.,  viii 
State  Agricultural  College,   Grabnerj  w.,  158 

„         ,  .  Gross,  John  P.,  186 

r  arm  laborers : 

California 

Allotments,  88 

Foreign  born,  6-7 

Naturalization,  148 

Federal  Farm  Loan  Board  ,135 

Finnish : 

Colonies 

Calumet,  Michigan,  232  I 

Rudyard,    Michigan,   Illiteracy: 

136-137,  167-168,  197       Urban-rural,  146 

Schools,  private,  167-168     Immigration  Bureau : 

Flag:  Land  settlement,  18-19 

Display,  81,  160  Inability  to  speak  English: 

Florer,  Alice,  159  In    colonies    visited,    234, 

Foght,  H.  W.,  205  236-237 

261 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 


Settlers,  71,  166,  234,  236-  Land  exchange: 


237 
Urban-rural,  147-148 
Italian : 
Colonies 
Canastota,   New   York, 

198,  234,  238 
Vineland,   New   Jersey, 
151,  210,  237,  239 
Document 

Land  settler,  10 


Jenks  &  Lauck,  6 
Jewish : 


In  Maryland,  122-123 
Proposed  Federal,  124 
Land   settlement    {see  Cali- 
fornia, Legislation, 
Wisconsin) : 
Available  land,  111 
Policy,  3-13 
Program,  107-122 
Promotion 

By  Federal  Immigration 

Bureau,  18-19 
By    State    Immigration 
Bureau,  18-19 
Settlers'  terms,  55-56 


Stages,  50-52 
Center   in  Newark,   New   Lane>  Franklin  K>  m 

Legislation : 
Co-operatives 


Jersey,  232 
Colony 

Woodbine,  New  Jersey, 
180,  239 


K 

Kelly,  M.  Clyde,  99 
Kenyon,  W.  S.,  99 
Knutson,   Harold,   68,    102, 

103,  135 
Kreutzer,  George  C,  90 
Kuelme,  Richard,  184 
Kuizinga,  Reverend,  198 
Kunzendorf,  Reverend,  160 


Land  dealers: 

Regulation,  112-121 

Types,  39-45 

"Realtors,"  45-48 
Sharks,  37-39 


State,  140-141 
Land 
Federal 

Colonization  Board,  68 

Credit,  68,  135 

Reclamation    Service 
Act,  95-97,  126-127 

Settlement,  101,  103 

Soldiers,  98,  102-103 
Foreign   countries,    105- 

106 
State 

Credit,  68 

Dealers,  114-122 

Settlement,    Califor- 
nia, 87 

Soldiers,  92-93 
School 

State,  215-217 

Home  teacher,  229-230 


262 


INDEX 


Regulation,    private, 
180-181 
Lehninger,  M.,  184 
Library : 

Rural,  247,  251-252 
Wisconsin,  248-249 
Lincoln,  Nebraska: 

State    Americanization 
Committee,  100,  183 
Link,  Professor,  159 

M 

McAlester,  Oklahoma : 

Colonization     company, 
33-34 
Maryland : 

Land  Exchange,  122-123 
Massachusetts : 
Colony 

South     Deerfield,     153, 
236,  239 
Matzner,  Adolph,  185 
Mead,  Elwood,  87 
Michigan : 
Colonies 

Au  Gres,  172 
Calumet,  232 
HoUand,  171,  180,  188, 

198,  239 
Posen,  77,  168-170,  187, 

198,  236 
Rudyard,  136-137,  167- 
168, 197 
Schools,  private,  167,  172 
Minnesota : 
Colony 

St.  Cloud,  166 
Land  Regulation  Bill,  119 
Schools 


Attendance,       213-214, 
217 

Private,  154,  164-166 

Public,  200,  209 
Missouri : 
Legislation 

Soldier  settlement,  94 
Monahan,  A.  C,  219 
Mondell,  Frank  W.,  102 
Myers,  Henry,  99 

N 
National  Association  of  Real 
Estate  Exchanges,  120 
Naturalization : 
Farm  laborers,  148 
Settlers,  79,  234-237 
Nebraska: 

Americanization    Com- 
mittee, 160,  183 
Council  of  Defense,  158-160 
Foreign-language  church , 
183-186 
"Interfaith"     marriage, 

191 
Immigrant  pastors,  192- 
193 
Legislation 

Co-operatives,  141 
Schools 

Attendance,  215 
Private,  159-161 
Public,  209,  218 
Nemac,  Matt  W.,  193 
Nevada : 
Legislation 

Soldier  settlement,  94 
New  Jersey: 
Colonies 


263 


A  STAKE  IN  THE  LAND 

Newark,  Jewish  center,  p 

232 

Vineland,  151,  210,  237,  Packer>  B-  &•>  20-23,  115 

239  Parochial    {see  Schools,  pri- 

Woodbine,  180,  239  vate) 

New  Mexico:  Pennsylvania: 

Illiteracy,  146, 147  Occupation  license,  116 

Inability  to  speak  English,   ^ev'  A>  15S 
247  Polish: 

New  South  Farm  and  Home       Colonies 

Company,  17  Posen,  Michigan,  77, 168- 

New  York:  170>  187>  198,  236 

Colony  South  Deerfield,  Massa- 

Canastota,  198,  234,  238  chusetts,  153,  236,  239 

Legislation  Schools,  private,  167-170 

Real-estate  dealers,  119   PomP'  F-  E>  193 
Occupation  tax,  1 17  Population : 

.Real  Estate    Association,       Comparative,  130 
119  Urban-rural,  1920, 11 

New  York  City:  Portland,  Oregon: 

Population,  by  nationality,       Real-estate  brokers,  121 
130  Portuguese: 

North  Dakota:  Colony 

Agricultural  College,  255  Portsmouth,  Rhode  Is- 

Americanization  work,  164  land,  234,  238 

Country  theaters,  255  Promotion: 

Foreign-language     church,  Land  settlement 

183  Private,  14-19 

Languages  spoken,  131  Public,  18-23 
Schools 

Attendance,  214  ** 

Private,  161-162  Real  Estate: 

Public,     200,     201-202,  Regulation  of  dealers,  112- 

206-207,  209  121 

Reclamation : 

O  Federal  service,  95-97 

Occupation-  Investigation,  104 

Farm  laborers,  6-7  Legislation,  92-94,  98,  99, 

Tax,  116-117,  121  100,  126-127 

264 


INDEX 


Rhode  Island : 
Colony 

Portsmouth,  234,  238 
Robb,  J.  W.,  161 
Roosevelt,  Theodore,  viii 
Rural : 

Colonies    studied,     xxvii- 

xx  ix 
Community  work,  49,  63- 

65,  252,  256-257 
Educational  agencies,  149 
Illiteracy,  146 
Inability    to    speak    Eng- 
lish,     147-184,     234, 
236-237 
Libraries,  247,  251-252 
Population,  1920,  11 
Schools 

Private,  153-181 
Public 

Elementary,  164, 195- 

225 
Evening,  233-243 
Russian : 
Colony 

Glendale,    Arizona,    30- 

31,  217,  236 
Los  Angeles,  California, 

24-31,  231,  235 
San   Francisco,   Califor- 
nia, 152, 235 


Schools,  private,  153-181 
Foreign  language,  159-170, 
172,  174-175 

Schools,  public: 
Rural 


Elementary,       154-155, 

164,  195-225 
Immigrant,  233-243 
Settlers : 

Aid  to,  22-23 
Banks,  57-58 
Documents,  72-76,  80,  83 
Inability  to  speak  English, 

71,  166,  234,  236-237 
Naturalization,  79, 234-237 
Progress  record,  59-61 
Selection,  88,  129 
Terms,  55-56 
Types,  133-134 
Slovenian : 
Colony 

St.    Cloud,    Minnesota, 
166 
Soldiers : 

Land  settlement 
France,  105 
Legislation,  91-103 
United  Kingdom,  106 
South  Dakota: 
Legislation 

Soldier  settlement,  94 
Schools 

Attendance,  215 
Private,  154,  175 
Public,     203-204,     209, 
215,  221 
Speek,  Frances  Valiant,  xxvii 
Stager,  John  H.,  185 
Strasburg,  North  Dakota,  163 


Taylor,  E.  T.,  101 
Teachers : 


205 


A  STAKE   IN  THE  LAND 


Home  teacher  in  Califor- 

V 

nia,  229-231 

Voll,  John  A.,  viii 

Rural,  203-211 
Teaching : 

Votava,  Joseph  G.,  186,  193 

Rural,  195-199 

W 

Texas : 

Illiteracy,  146-147 

Walsh,  Thomas  J.,  103 

Inability  to  speak  English, 

War,  11,  67,  91 

147 

Washington : 

Land  settlement 

Interstate  Realty  Associa- 

Dealers, 119-120 

tion  of  Pacific  North- 

Realty Association,  119 

west,  121 

Theater : 

Land  purchase,  26 

North     Dakota    country, 

Legislation 

255 

Real  estate,  121 

Thompson,    Frank   V.,    181, 

Soldier  settlement,  94 

237 

Weller,  George,  159,  161 

Williams,  Talcott,  viii 

TT 

Wisconsin: 

\J 

Co-operatives,  138-139 

United  Kingdom : 

Land  settlement,  20-22 

Soldier  settlement,  106 

Colonization  companies, 

United     States     Bureau     of 

52-65 

Education,    196,   204, 

Sharks,  38 

205,  219 

Legislation 

United    States     Census,    6, 

Co-operatives,  140-141 

11 

Real-estate  brokers,  114 

United    States    Immigration 

Libraries,  rural,  248-249 

Commission,  6,  7 

Schools 

Univei'sity  of  Wisconsin: 

Private,  173-174 

Package  libraries,  249 

Public,     154-155,     196, 

Urban  (see  Rural) 

204,  209 

Utah: 

Women : 

Legislation 

Immigrant 

Real-estate  brokers,  121 

Document,  164 

Russian    peasants'    settle- 

Education, 226-228 

ment,  29 

Organization,  232 

266 


